Kathryn Olmstead’s “Real Enemies: Conspiracy Theories and American Democracy, World War I to 9/11” is a masterful, prescient page-turner. Released in 2009 it’s no less relevant today—but it’s due a sequel. Sadly, the sequel would need to cover only a quarter of the time this book covers and it would likely be twice as long. As we all know conspiracy theories have become even more prevalent and mainstream in the past decade, not to mention downright stranger thanks to things like Qanon.
Olmstead book doesn’t so much try to debunk any particular theory so much as present the why of how a theory came to be. The root of conspiracy theories in America, according to the author, is a result of:
“The two-party system, combined with the democratic checks and balances created by the Constitution, produced a dynamic that fed the conspiracist imagination, which sought to explain real or purported failures of American democracy.” (p.6)
Olmstead differentiates between conspiracies, which do in fact happen and which she details in great length (including reasonable efforts by FDR to keep the secret that allied codebreakers had broken the Japanese codes they were still using to communicate during the height of WWII to the completely unreasonable acts of FBI agents secretly dosing unwitting strangers with LSD in bars to judge their reactions and much worse) and conspiracy theories which range from the reasonable (there was a second shooter in Dallas on 11/22/63—most likely not true despite how resistant most Americans are to accepting—to the outlandish (FDR allowed Pearl Harbor to be bombed to prompt US entry into WWII, Eisenhower covered up an alien crash at Roswell). She makes the rather valid observation that it’s understandable why so many US citizens believe the latter because US presidents such as Nixon and Reagan in particular operated in the application of so much of the former.
“Real Enemies” is a showcase of how much things change how often they remain the same. From loss of confidence in the press (“Most prominent newspapers…still ridiculed the idea of a conspiracy in John Kennedy’s assassination. As usual, the mainstream media, which believed official conspiracy theories without hesitation, regard alternative, anti-government theories as patently absurd.” ,p.167) to the merging for all practical purposes the negative impact of the far right and the far left (“…there were surprising similarities between the radical left and the paranoid right in post-cold war America. Extremists of all stripes feared one thing above all [the government]…’fusion paranoia’ would become the preeminent trend of conspiracism at the end of the millennium as both left and right found a common enemy to fight in their defense of the republic: their own government.” p.193).
Or, of huge relevance for our own time, the roots of far-right hate organizations at the bottom of so many conspiracy theories: “…the right drew on the ideas and strategies of earlier white supremacist movements. Calling themselves the Patriot movement, these activists of the 1990s had roots that stretched back to the neofascist organizations of the 1970s and 1980s. Groups like the Order, the Aryan Nations, and the Posse Comitatatus spread the ‘Christian Identity’ belief…After the end of the cold war these fringe groups helped to lay the foundation for a much larger movement. Building on the doctrines of the neofascists, the Patriot movement leaders emphasized a secular, libertarian form of government bashing. White supremacy took a backseat to a more marketable grievance: the threat posed to American citizens by their government.” These movements helped connect and unify antiabortion activists, anti-environmentalists, nationalists, unrepentant racists, survivalists, and gun rights activists. (p.193)
Perhaps the wildest section of the book is when we learn that the Oklahoma City bomber, Ted Kaczynski, met with the Unabomber met Timothy McVeigh in the exercise yard of their shared federal prison in Colorado. Ted, a leftist, worried about associating with a neofascist mass murderer like Tim but while talking to him he found he “sounded like a liberal”. Kaczynski and liberal writer Gore Vidal, who corresponded with McVeigh in prison, concluded McVeigh had just been “born in the wrong era” and thus couldn’t be the hero he was born to be. All of them blamed the government as the real threat as it “killed people in far larger numbers than was done in Oklahoma City.” (p. 202)
It’s never a partisan screed, however. Omstead points out that more than 70% of those under 30 in the early 2000s a majority of whom identified as liberal at that time believed that 9/11 was an “inside job” only arguing about whether it was because Bush and Cheney let it happen or made it happen. A parallel to more recent times is that unproven allegations of “voter fraud” in 2004, “convinced some Democrats that Republicans would stop at nothing to keep power.” (p.221). Of course, the fact that Bush and Cheney did in fact create their own theories and conspiracies to justify a war with Iraq they had been planning since their entry into the White House gave space for such theories to manifest, a central (and circular) premise of the book.
Highly recommended reading for all parties and a book well worth a sequel as mentioned above.