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低端中國：黨、土地、農民工，與中國即將到來的經濟危機
習近平宣稱「全面脫貧」的背後，是半數中國人口的貧弱！
當中國耗盡「人口紅利」之後，成長的動力將難以為繼。
40年改革開放的成功，建立在官僚與企業聯手壓榨農民之上。
過去，他們的廉價勞力是中國製造的原動力、經濟奇蹟的火車頭，
如今，衰老、貧窮、低技術的他們，成為中國最大的潛在危機。
莫路波在13歲那年輟學。但他不打算跟著他的表哥到東莞，而是隻身一人，坐了30小時的火車來到寧波。1993年的夏天，他才一出火車站，就被三個流氓痛毆一頓，搶走身上所有的財物。一輩子第一次坐火車出門的他，舉目無親，不知該如何是好……
莫梅荃唸書到15歲，是村子裡教育程度最高的孩子之一，但她在家鄉找不到工作，農地又太小，於是來到東莞的電子工廠打工，賺一小時一塊人民幣的工資。儘管生活辛苦，她相信要離開村子人生才有希望……
莫姓家族全都來自貴州南方的炳花村。布依族的他們雖然是少數民族，但是像他們這樣因為貧窮而必須遠赴沿海大城市找工作的中國人，占人口總數的一半，高達近六億。他們在家鄉是農民，到了城市裡做工人。從1978年的改革開放開始，「農民工」龐大的人數與其廉價勞力，就是中國經濟起飛的原動力，賺進了無數的外匯，賦予中南海領導人在世界舞台上耀武揚威的底氣。
◆一個中國，兩種身分：農民工雖然對中國經濟無比重要，中國特有的「戶口制度」卻待他們如二等公民，規定農民無法享有城市居民的醫療、社會福利與教育權利。他們子女無法就讀公立學校、生病不能就醫，甚至要忍受警察的隨時盤查，被打入「黑牢」勒索賄賂更時有所聞。
◆國家裡的異鄉人，犧牲自己成就中國經濟奇蹟：農民工既然得不到政府的保障，只得忍氣吞聲接受待遇極差的工作。名義上，共產黨信奉社會主義，實際上，他們踐踏工人福利、嚴禁勞工運動與組織。工廠靠這群廉價勞工累積巨大利益，但平均而言，鄉村人口的薪水只有城市居民的1/3。他們的犧牲成就了中國奇蹟，但也成了貧窮問題的根源。
◆「留守兒童」占青少年人口的1/5：今天全中國有人數高達6100萬的「留守兒童」。他們的父母去沿海城市打工，但他們無法在當地就讀公立學校。孩子被迫做選擇：與父母分離、回到家鄉就學；或是待在父母身邊，但是不能唸書，只能打零工賺錢，重蹈他們父母淪落底層的宿命。
◆「人口紅利」消失，「路易斯拐點」形成，發展動力難以為繼：然而，隨著中國人口的逐漸減少與老化，過去的發展模式已經走到盡頭。隨之而來的是所謂的「路易斯拐點」，意指農民工越來越少而造成的勞動力短缺。中國應對這項挑戰如果失敗，將會使中國陷入「中等收入陷阱」，亦即低端產業已喪失競爭力，但又無法轉型為高附加價值產業。
◆既貧且弱的中國農村人口，難以支撐中國的內需市場與「中國製造2025」。在人口逐漸老化的同時，中國也面臨產業升級的壓力，希望AI與自動化生產能彌補勞動人口減少的困難。然而，大量引進機器人是否又將搶走農村人口所剩不多的就業機會？同時，大量貧窮、低教育、低技術的農村人口也難以創造內需市場。
追蹤採訪長達20年，橫跨貴州農村、東莞工廠、秦嶺上的小學、安徽、湖北、海南島，《彭博商業周刊》資深記者為你揭露「大外宣」之外的中國！
在《低端中國》書中，作者羅谷深入廣東、貴州、湖北、安徽、海南、陝西各省，透過與當地的底層農民工建立緊密、親切的關係，做長期的追蹤報導。這位《彭博商業周刊》的資深記者指出，雖然中國今日已經雄踞全球第二大經濟體，沿海城市享有驚人的經濟成就，但戶口制度對農民工的剝奪、城鄉發展的落差、中央計畫經濟的僵化以及官員貪腐的遺害，造成中國內陸嚴重的社會不公與發展不足，埋下了危機的種子。
過去，這樣的言論可能被歸類為蓄意唱衰中國的烏鴉，但當中國國務院總理李克強在2020年6月公開說出「中國有六億人每個月的收入也就人民幣一千元」時，證明了羅谷長期調查的價值與意義。
名人推薦
聯合推薦：矢板明夫（產經新聞台北支局長，著有《曾經以為中國最幸福》）、吳介民（中研院社會所研究員，著有《尋租中國》）、林宗弘（中研院社會所研究員，合著有《廿年民主路 台灣向前行》、《崩世代》）、胡采蘋（財經網美）
媒體好評
「羅谷在中國擔任二十幾年國際媒體特派員，走遍中央到各省市，見過各路官員與老百姓，以平實可親的筆法，生動的故事，為我們娓娓道來「中國奇蹟」背後的真實……他提到的人物，我也曾經訪談過，包括當今中國副總理劉鶴、勞工組織者張治儒等人，他對貴州炳花村和莫姓人家的訪談與描寫，生動地展現了當今中國的農村議題。我熱烈推介此書。」──吳介民（中研院社會所研究員，著有《尋租中國》）
「你曾經仰望著上海的天際線、深圳的鐵路等等這些絢爛的中國都市景象，而不禁好奇它們背後的故事嗎？羅谷的《低端中國》正是答案，他在書中考察中國經濟奇蹟的源頭，挖掘農村的制度、組織與農民，如何為城市的發展做出了沉痛的犧牲。在中國數十億人口當中，有一半來自於鄉村。這本書是我們認識他們的一扇窗。」──何偉（Peter Hessler，《尋路中國》、《消失中的江城》、《甲骨文》等作者）
「當全球都聚焦在中國日新月異、紙醉金迷的沿海大都會時，羅谷走進中國的偏鄉與農村，寫下這本描繪另一個中國的著作：一群永遠不可能翻身為中產階級的農民工的故事。羅谷對中國的經濟問題與歷史文化瞭如指掌。以此為根據，他大膽地推翻了中國經濟將一帆風順的觀點，並警告我們即將到來的危機。」──歐逸文（Evan Osnos，《野心時代》、《拜登傳》作者）
「中國正在上演一場人類歷史上最大規模的移民潮，而羅谷呈現了一部最詳盡豐富、理性客觀、也最完整的報導……他告訴我們，這很有可能將是中國經濟，甚至全球經濟，最重大的分水嶺。」──夏偉（Orville Schell，亞洲協會美中關係中心主任、著有《富強之路：從慈禧開始的長征》）
「所有在中國做生意的人都應該讀這一本書……從中國內地的窮鄉僻壤到沿海繁忙的工廠，目睹日以繼夜操勞的農民工、為了達到黨領導的期待而殫精竭慮的基層官僚，羅谷解釋了為什麼我們不該輕易相信中國經濟一定會持續發展的假說，而其後果對全球都會產生衝擊。」──麥健陸（James McGregor，著有《共和國的長子們：揭開中國經濟高速成長的真相》）
「羅谷的生花妙筆讓中國的驕傲與危機躍然紙上。他帶領我們與跨國企業的CEO對談、拜訪綿延無盡的工廠廠區，但是，本書最重要的核心是被北京政府拋棄的中國農村。羅谷花了幾十年時間深度認識當地的農夫、失業的工人，藉此挖掘出中國為何難以克服貧窮的系統性危機。在過去將近四分之一個世紀裡，羅谷見證了中國的轉型。在這本書裡，他針對中國是否必然會成為全球經濟霸主提出了強而有力的質疑。」──張彥（Ian Johnson，普立茲獎得主，著有《中國的靈魂》）
「《低端中國》是近年來我讀過關於中國的著作中，最精彩、觀點最有原創性的一本」──博明（Matt Pottinger，前美國副國家安全顧問）
「本書毫不避諱地呈現中國農民工的真實面貌，他們是中國經濟爆炸的幕後英雄，但至今仍被當作二等公民。作者羅谷巧妙地結合了尖銳的分析，以及他追蹤長達20年的莫家人的故事。」──《經濟學人》
「很少有作者能像羅谷這樣有毅力，追蹤他報導的人物長達將近20年。唯有這樣持之以恆的採訪，才能揭露中國經濟奇蹟背後不為人知的陰暗面。」──《金融時報》
作者簡介
羅谷（Dexter Roberts）
羅谷是美國駐派中國的資深記者，從1995年開始採訪報導中國長達23年，曾任《商業周刊》（Businessweek）中國社長與《彭博商業周刊》（Bloomberg Businessweek）中國社長，採訪過無數中共高層、中國或外資企業的高層執行長，足跡遍布全中國各省，包括新疆、西藏等偏遠敏感地區，以及香港、澳門和台灣。報導議題涵蓋經濟改革、中美貿易與投資，工廠與農民工、人口與公民社會等等。他也曾遠赴蒙古、北韓、南韓，日本、印度、越南和柬埔寨等地，瞭解中國的政治與經濟力量對周邊國家的影響。他近期的關注集中在中國政策，如戶口制度導致的當下社會衝突和階級差距對中國經濟發展未來的影響；中美競爭與中國崛起對整個世界政治、經濟和社會的影響。
2018年他回到美國，目前擔任大西洋理事會亞洲安全倡議（Atlantic Council's Asia Security Initiative）高級研究員，同時擔任蒙大拿大學曼斯菲爾德中心（Mansfield Center）研究員，並在政治系任教。
羅谷畢業於史丹佛大學政治系，在校時學習中文兩年半。畢業後赴台灣師範大學繼續學習中文。之後回到美國，取得哥倫比亞大學碩士學位，主修國際事務，側重於中國研究和新聞學。
《低端中國》是他的第一本書。
譯者簡介
廖世德
長期從事翻譯及翻譯論述工作，現有譯作近六十冊，其中包括《敬愛的領袖：從御用詩人到逃亡者，一位北韓反情報官員眼中的北韓》、《不為人知的敵人：科學家如何面對戰爭中的另類殺手》、《不該被殺掉的微生物：濫用抗生素如何加速現代瘟疫的蔓延》、《榮格：分析心理學巨擘》，以及克里希那穆提的《生與死》、《謀生之道》、《論自由》、《心靈自由之路》、《論上帝》等書。樂意與各方朋友交流翻譯心得，個人信箱：selfliao@gmail.com
目錄
推薦語：中國奇蹟背後的犧牲者──吳介民
書中主要人物簡介
中國地圖
台灣版作者序言
導論 一個中國，兩個世界
第一章 沿海的工廠：莫文吉在東莞的台商五金工廠裡做廚師，由於他特別認真打拚，獲得老闆的加薪鼓勵。不過，大部分的中國工人沒有他的幸運。刻意壓低、苛扣工人工資，是多數企業維持利潤的慣用伎倆。地方官員則透過「戶口制度」剝奪農民工基本的保障權利。官商合謀剝削農民工的體制一度在2003年引發燎原怒火，但中國政府的改革非常有限……
第二章 工人的子女：陳金彥年輕的時候遠赴青島打工，兒子留給年邁的父親照顧。有一天，他發現自己十四歲的兒子輟學逃家，遍尋不著。像是小陳這樣的「留守兒童」，在全中國有高達6100萬人。他們的父母為了生計，離鄉背井至沿海工作，但戶口制度禁止他們在父母生活的城市就讀公立學校。他們不是被迫返鄉、與父母別離，就是輟學去打工，重複上一代的命運……
第三章 賤賣的土地：中國共產黨本以打倒地主、還地於農起家，如今官員卻在土地「集體化」名義的掩護下，一面大肆霸佔民產、搜刮農田，一面賤賣土地以圖開發。土地買賣之獲利成為全國地方政府每年一半以上的收入，同時，抵押土地導致的負債業已趨近三十兆人民幣！荒唐的是，農民本身卻無法享有買賣土地的果實。作者走訪安徽小崗村、海南抱板鎮、與重慶郊區，挖掘出那些土地兼併之受害者的心聲。
第四章 政權的打壓：羅光復在結束工廠工作之餘，仍不辭辛勞地學習中國的勞動法規。同時，像張志儒這樣的勞工權益捍衛者，則積極向勞工普及法規知識，甚至教導他們爭取權益。另一方面，中國政府極為畏懼勞工運動的星火燎原，他們非但不安撫農民工的怒火，而是對他們進行全面性的打壓。張志儒由於率領NGO團體，在勞工運動期間被政府派人強制隔離，平時還得面對來自軍警系統的騷擾。農民工依舊無法獲得應有的勞動待遇，只能將罷工作為武器，憤而向業者發出吶喊。
第五章 機器人是解藥還是災難？苗圩出生於河北貧窮的農村，曾經成功推動「中國第二汽車廠」的裁員與轉型，引進日本等國的資金與技術，後來他被拔擢為「工業和信息化部」部長，負責以大量的高端機器人促進中國工業的自動化，以解決中國「人口紅利」遞減、勞工年齡老化的問題，實踐「中國製造2025」的夢想。然而，政府全力推動自動化會不會在促進中國產業升級之前，先剝奪了低端技術人口的生計？這成了著名經濟學家蔡昉的擔憂。在貴州政府的極力拉攏之下，鴻海前往設廠，但郭台銘卻拒絕回答記者所...
當中國耗盡「人口紅利」之後，成長的動力將難以為繼。
40年改革開放的成功，建立在官僚與企業聯手壓榨農民之上。
過去，他們的廉價勞力是中國製造的原動力、經濟奇蹟的火車頭，
如今，衰老、貧窮、低技術的他們，成為中國最大的潛在危機。
莫路波在13歲那年輟學。但他不打算跟著他的表哥到東莞，而是隻身一人，坐了30小時的火車來到寧波。1993年的夏天，他才一出火車站，就被三個流氓痛毆一頓，搶走身上所有的財物。一輩子第一次坐火車出門的他，舉目無親，不知該如何是好……
莫梅荃唸書到15歲，是村子裡教育程度最高的孩子之一，但她在家鄉找不到工作，農地又太小，於是來到東莞的電子工廠打工，賺一小時一塊人民幣的工資。儘管生活辛苦，她相信要離開村子人生才有希望……
莫姓家族全都來自貴州南方的炳花村。布依族的他們雖然是少數民族，但是像他們這樣因為貧窮而必須遠赴沿海大城市找工作的中國人，占人口總數的一半，高達近六億。他們在家鄉是農民，到了城市裡做工人。從1978年的改革開放開始，「農民工」龐大的人數與其廉價勞力，就是中國經濟起飛的原動力，賺進了無數的外匯，賦予中南海領導人在世界舞台上耀武揚威的底氣。
◆一個中國，兩種身分：農民工雖然對中國經濟無比重要，中國特有的「戶口制度」卻待他們如二等公民，規定農民無法享有城市居民的醫療、社會福利與教育權利。他們子女無法就讀公立學校、生病不能就醫，甚至要忍受警察的隨時盤查，被打入「黑牢」勒索賄賂更時有所聞。
◆國家裡的異鄉人，犧牲自己成就中國經濟奇蹟：農民工既然得不到政府的保障，只得忍氣吞聲接受待遇極差的工作。名義上，共產黨信奉社會主義，實際上，他們踐踏工人福利、嚴禁勞工運動與組織。工廠靠這群廉價勞工累積巨大利益，但平均而言，鄉村人口的薪水只有城市居民的1/3。他們的犧牲成就了中國奇蹟，但也成了貧窮問題的根源。
◆「留守兒童」占青少年人口的1/5：今天全中國有人數高達6100萬的「留守兒童」。他們的父母去沿海城市打工，但他們無法在當地就讀公立學校。孩子被迫做選擇：與父母分離、回到家鄉就學；或是待在父母身邊，但是不能唸書，只能打零工賺錢，重蹈他們父母淪落底層的宿命。
◆「人口紅利」消失，「路易斯拐點」形成，發展動力難以為繼：然而，隨著中國人口的逐漸減少與老化，過去的發展模式已經走到盡頭。隨之而來的是所謂的「路易斯拐點」，意指農民工越來越少而造成的勞動力短缺。中國應對這項挑戰如果失敗，將會使中國陷入「中等收入陷阱」，亦即低端產業已喪失競爭力，但又無法轉型為高附加價值產業。
◆既貧且弱的中國農村人口，難以支撐中國的內需市場與「中國製造2025」。在人口逐漸老化的同時，中國也面臨產業升級的壓力，希望AI與自動化生產能彌補勞動人口減少的困難。然而，大量引進機器人是否又將搶走農村人口所剩不多的就業機會？同時，大量貧窮、低教育、低技術的農村人口也難以創造內需市場。
追蹤採訪長達20年，橫跨貴州農村、東莞工廠、秦嶺上的小學、安徽、湖北、海南島，《彭博商業周刊》資深記者為你揭露「大外宣」之外的中國！
在《低端中國》書中，作者羅谷深入廣東、貴州、湖北、安徽、海南、陝西各省，透過與當地的底層農民工建立緊密、親切的關係，做長期的追蹤報導。這位《彭博商業周刊》的資深記者指出，雖然中國今日已經雄踞全球第二大經濟體，沿海城市享有驚人的經濟成就，但戶口制度對農民工的剝奪、城鄉發展的落差、中央計畫經濟的僵化以及官員貪腐的遺害，造成中國內陸嚴重的社會不公與發展不足，埋下了危機的種子。
過去，這樣的言論可能被歸類為蓄意唱衰中國的烏鴉，但當中國國務院總理李克強在2020年6月公開說出「中國有六億人每個月的收入也就人民幣一千元」時，證明了羅谷長期調查的價值與意義。
名人推薦
聯合推薦：矢板明夫（產經新聞台北支局長，著有《曾經以為中國最幸福》）、吳介民（中研院社會所研究員，著有《尋租中國》）、林宗弘（中研院社會所研究員，合著有《廿年民主路 台灣向前行》、《崩世代》）、胡采蘋（財經網美）
媒體好評
「羅谷在中國擔任二十幾年國際媒體特派員，走遍中央到各省市，見過各路官員與老百姓，以平實可親的筆法，生動的故事，為我們娓娓道來「中國奇蹟」背後的真實……他提到的人物，我也曾經訪談過，包括當今中國副總理劉鶴、勞工組織者張治儒等人，他對貴州炳花村和莫姓人家的訪談與描寫，生動地展現了當今中國的農村議題。我熱烈推介此書。」──吳介民（中研院社會所研究員，著有《尋租中國》）
「你曾經仰望著上海的天際線、深圳的鐵路等等這些絢爛的中國都市景象，而不禁好奇它們背後的故事嗎？羅谷的《低端中國》正是答案，他在書中考察中國經濟奇蹟的源頭，挖掘農村的制度、組織與農民，如何為城市的發展做出了沉痛的犧牲。在中國數十億人口當中，有一半來自於鄉村。這本書是我們認識他們的一扇窗。」──何偉（Peter Hessler，《尋路中國》、《消失中的江城》、《甲骨文》等作者）
「當全球都聚焦在中國日新月異、紙醉金迷的沿海大都會時，羅谷走進中國的偏鄉與農村，寫下這本描繪另一個中國的著作：一群永遠不可能翻身為中產階級的農民工的故事。羅谷對中國的經濟問題與歷史文化瞭如指掌。以此為根據，他大膽地推翻了中國經濟將一帆風順的觀點，並警告我們即將到來的危機。」──歐逸文（Evan Osnos，《野心時代》、《拜登傳》作者）
「中國正在上演一場人類歷史上最大規模的移民潮，而羅谷呈現了一部最詳盡豐富、理性客觀、也最完整的報導……他告訴我們，這很有可能將是中國經濟，甚至全球經濟，最重大的分水嶺。」──夏偉（Orville Schell，亞洲協會美中關係中心主任、著有《富強之路：從慈禧開始的長征》）
「所有在中國做生意的人都應該讀這一本書……從中國內地的窮鄉僻壤到沿海繁忙的工廠，目睹日以繼夜操勞的農民工、為了達到黨領導的期待而殫精竭慮的基層官僚，羅谷解釋了為什麼我們不該輕易相信中國經濟一定會持續發展的假說，而其後果對全球都會產生衝擊。」──麥健陸（James McGregor，著有《共和國的長子們：揭開中國經濟高速成長的真相》）
「羅谷的生花妙筆讓中國的驕傲與危機躍然紙上。他帶領我們與跨國企業的CEO對談、拜訪綿延無盡的工廠廠區，但是，本書最重要的核心是被北京政府拋棄的中國農村。羅谷花了幾十年時間深度認識當地的農夫、失業的工人，藉此挖掘出中國為何難以克服貧窮的系統性危機。在過去將近四分之一個世紀裡，羅谷見證了中國的轉型。在這本書裡，他針對中國是否必然會成為全球經濟霸主提出了強而有力的質疑。」──張彥（Ian Johnson，普立茲獎得主，著有《中國的靈魂》）
「《低端中國》是近年來我讀過關於中國的著作中，最精彩、觀點最有原創性的一本」──博明（Matt Pottinger，前美國副國家安全顧問）
「本書毫不避諱地呈現中國農民工的真實面貌，他們是中國經濟爆炸的幕後英雄，但至今仍被當作二等公民。作者羅谷巧妙地結合了尖銳的分析，以及他追蹤長達20年的莫家人的故事。」──《經濟學人》
「很少有作者能像羅谷這樣有毅力，追蹤他報導的人物長達將近20年。唯有這樣持之以恆的採訪，才能揭露中國經濟奇蹟背後不為人知的陰暗面。」──《金融時報》
作者簡介
羅谷（Dexter Roberts）
羅谷是美國駐派中國的資深記者，從1995年開始採訪報導中國長達23年，曾任《商業周刊》（Businessweek）中國社長與《彭博商業周刊》（Bloomberg Businessweek）中國社長，採訪過無數中共高層、中國或外資企業的高層執行長，足跡遍布全中國各省，包括新疆、西藏等偏遠敏感地區，以及香港、澳門和台灣。報導議題涵蓋經濟改革、中美貿易與投資，工廠與農民工、人口與公民社會等等。他也曾遠赴蒙古、北韓、南韓，日本、印度、越南和柬埔寨等地，瞭解中國的政治與經濟力量對周邊國家的影響。他近期的關注集中在中國政策，如戶口制度導致的當下社會衝突和階級差距對中國經濟發展未來的影響；中美競爭與中國崛起對整個世界政治、經濟和社會的影響。
2018年他回到美國，目前擔任大西洋理事會亞洲安全倡議（Atlantic Council's Asia Security Initiative）高級研究員，同時擔任蒙大拿大學曼斯菲爾德中心（Mansfield Center）研究員，並在政治系任教。
羅谷畢業於史丹佛大學政治系，在校時學習中文兩年半。畢業後赴台灣師範大學繼續學習中文。之後回到美國，取得哥倫比亞大學碩士學位，主修國際事務，側重於中國研究和新聞學。
《低端中國》是他的第一本書。
譯者簡介
廖世德
長期從事翻譯及翻譯論述工作，現有譯作近六十冊，其中包括《敬愛的領袖：從御用詩人到逃亡者，一位北韓反情報官員眼中的北韓》、《不為人知的敵人：科學家如何面對戰爭中的另類殺手》、《不該被殺掉的微生物：濫用抗生素如何加速現代瘟疫的蔓延》、《榮格：分析心理學巨擘》，以及克里希那穆提的《生與死》、《謀生之道》、《論自由》、《心靈自由之路》、《論上帝》等書。樂意與各方朋友交流翻譯心得，個人信箱：selfliao@gmail.com
目錄
推薦語：中國奇蹟背後的犧牲者──吳介民
書中主要人物簡介
中國地圖
台灣版作者序言
導論 一個中國，兩個世界
第一章 沿海的工廠：莫文吉在東莞的台商五金工廠裡做廚師，由於他特別認真打拚，獲得老闆的加薪鼓勵。不過，大部分的中國工人沒有他的幸運。刻意壓低、苛扣工人工資，是多數企業維持利潤的慣用伎倆。地方官員則透過「戶口制度」剝奪農民工基本的保障權利。官商合謀剝削農民工的體制一度在2003年引發燎原怒火，但中國政府的改革非常有限……
第二章 工人的子女：陳金彥年輕的時候遠赴青島打工，兒子留給年邁的父親照顧。有一天，他發現自己十四歲的兒子輟學逃家，遍尋不著。像是小陳這樣的「留守兒童」，在全中國有高達6100萬人。他們的父母為了生計，離鄉背井至沿海工作，但戶口制度禁止他們在父母生活的城市就讀公立學校。他們不是被迫返鄉、與父母別離，就是輟學去打工，重複上一代的命運……
第三章 賤賣的土地：中國共產黨本以打倒地主、還地於農起家，如今官員卻在土地「集體化」名義的掩護下，一面大肆霸佔民產、搜刮農田，一面賤賣土地以圖開發。土地買賣之獲利成為全國地方政府每年一半以上的收入，同時，抵押土地導致的負債業已趨近三十兆人民幣！荒唐的是，農民本身卻無法享有買賣土地的果實。作者走訪安徽小崗村、海南抱板鎮、與重慶郊區，挖掘出那些土地兼併之受害者的心聲。
第四章 政權的打壓：羅光復在結束工廠工作之餘，仍不辭辛勞地學習中國的勞動法規。同時，像張志儒這樣的勞工權益捍衛者，則積極向勞工普及法規知識，甚至教導他們爭取權益。另一方面，中國政府極為畏懼勞工運動的星火燎原，他們非但不安撫農民工的怒火，而是對他們進行全面性的打壓。張志儒由於率領NGO團體，在勞工運動期間被政府派人強制隔離，平時還得面對來自軍警系統的騷擾。農民工依舊無法獲得應有的勞動待遇，只能將罷工作為武器，憤而向業者發出吶喊。
第五章 機器人是解藥還是災難？苗圩出生於河北貧窮的農村，曾經成功推動「中國第二汽車廠」的裁員與轉型，引進日本等國的資金與技術，後來他被拔擢為「工業和信息化部」部長，負責以大量的高端機器人促進中國工業的自動化，以解決中國「人口紅利」遞減、勞工年齡老化的問題，實踐「中國製造2025」的夢想。然而，政府全力推動自動化會不會在促進中國產業升級之前，先剝奪了低端技術人口的生計？這成了著名經濟學家蔡昉的擔憂。在貴州政府的極力拉攏之下，鴻海前往設廠，但郭台銘卻拒絕回答記者所...
384 pages, Paperback
Published March 31, 2021
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June 23, 2020
My actual feeling is 4.5 mostly because in reflection there's a slight missed opportunity for the piece to become a comparative piece. More would need to be done on the other side of the work. It's written from a slightly more US/western mindset, but it's not as unpalatably biased as many of its cohorts are.
First, Dexter Roberts did a great job on being factual and not overly biased one way or the other. For readers that need to get up to speed on Modern China, it is a challenge in 2019 with both countries posturing like mad. The book definitely does take a stand. And unfortunately, the title will tilt readers vs. allowing Roberts to convince them via making a cogent neutral argument for both. But... it likely sells more books given current Anti-China Sentiment. This is sad to me, b/c I don't think Dexter is Anti-China and truly hope the Chinese government doesn't misinterpret any parts of this piece in that fashion.
Chapter 1 is probably my least favorite and the only one I would take issue with. I believe he's trying to articulate the state of the Factory and their poor conditions. Where it sours for me has to do with the author's admitted strength of knowledge of the post-Deng period over the period that came before. I think a lot of the tilt of the chapter paints the period of Deng as an agricultural sort of life/society where workers didn't work in these large bohemeth factories via some sort of Oliver Twist/Charles Dickens view. That's just not true. The transition to factories was already mostly completed by the Gang of Four period at the end of Mao's life and was more or less the situation by the time of Deng. That's actually pretty easy to look up by just viewing the urban to rural population demographics that existed even in the late 90's when I was studying China, as it was one of the major issues at the time. As this is one of the major facets of how he then makes his argument on the chapter, the impact overall lessons of what he's saying.
From my perspective, the factories in 2000 period grew out of the Communes of the Mao period and were just as bad to potentially worse. Meaning, many of the infra of these buildings were exactly what was there during the Mao period, retooled. The 2000 period was for sure a transition in capital and so you started to see a mix of the buildings today and what was there before. For that reason, much of this portion misses the mark for me. I can't speak to Guizhou specifically, but I do think that for a lot of the East coast/Southern communes conditions were essentially flat relative to the Mao period. For example, my mom who lived both urban and also - as a part of the red guard - was sent to the Southern farm communes during the 1970s reforms always told me about what she was allowed as relates to personal space. It's only slightly less than what is described in this book. Additionally, I have been going back to China since 1980 and I saw the size of home plus the number of family members in a 200-300 sq foot space in urban Guangzhou. Also, I went to Uni in China in 1997 and saw the "luxurious" shared foreign student quarters of 75sq ft vs. the locals dorms of the time. Similarly, I did go to the nearby commune outside of Nanjing and it was about the same but with less infra than what he described. Hence, IMO, this is the only chapter that I personally struggled with it and its interpretations and conclusions, given how much of the population has been moved out of such conditions since 1970. It's not that I think those conditions are ok, so much as the fact this exists in a different way than it did in the pre-2000 period is actually an uptick, not a downtick as presented.
Chapter 2: The Family
This might be better be entitled the Education system. It does a great job there, and misses the other issues IMO related to the family. I'd just as soon retitle it so as not to detract from great research. P. 39, there are stats on literacy. They are accurate to the reporting, but you gotta be careful on things like literacy from period of Mao and early Deng periods, where numbers could be deceiving. One of the biggest of which has to do with making your numbers, often modified by what constitutes literate (i.e. is it the 8000 characters common to college students or something else). Otherwise, the chapter brings up great points on both sides. P, 42 we talk about cost. In many countries in Asia, people do pay outright for education (ex: Indonesia). The cost in China is higher. Not sure if that is true income adjusted, but would have been happy to have some comparitive numbers. It misses it for me as it comes close to implying that education is free in the US. Actually, that cost is baked into property taxes, so property owners subsidize those that have not. The taxation concepts and systems are still newer in China, so it's not quite so straight forward. Otherwise, the chapter does a good job comparing the issues of China's urban/rural education, magnate schools vs. regular schools, to some that we face in a US context. It also highlights the challenge for those to advocate in China vs. the US. The penalties are quite a bit harsher in China b/c of how they see "unpatriotic activity" vs. the US.
Chapter 3 The Land
If you struggle with 1-2, this chapter is where I turned the corner toward 5 stars. The transition of the land over the last 20 years is presented both with what was done, why it was done and how people feel about it. Minor issues for me. P. 79, sitting in their cramped apartments sets a tone that is kind of negative, though the farmer feels it's a great upgrade. Again, this might have to do with my own Mao and Deng periods experiences. P. 87, he ends with a point about elder age healthcare and childcare. Ironically, I'm dealing with similar issues in the US for my own parents who live in rural US. So in this regard, there is a comparableness, though I'm not clear if the author is trying to make it or just highlight its bad in the China.
Chapter 4: The Party
Very well written. The focus on stability is very true. It's very hard to communicate the size of the population and its impact on the way the party thinks and how that plays out on a host of issues. The author does a decent job here.
Chapter 5: The Robots
Great job. We have the same issue here in the US in the balance between increasing production, creating abundance, but transitioning the population for the automation that is inevitable. China has a different set of starting resources and problems, so this was a big deal for them. P. 133 he talks about the Trump comment that has Beijing quieting down on their 2025. In my head, it's interesting b/c China can do 10, 20, and 50 year plans, but the US can't. This is a really good discussion point for any strategist or biz leader. China will likely still make good on many of the 2025 plans. How the US will respond can't just be "no you won't" in words and little else in deeds. This is highlighted in the book, but lost in the US press IMO currently, even by Trump's Fox news fiercest supporters. Hence, thumbs up Roberts for being on it. Also, P. 136, good point to end the chapter on as food for thought (buy book to see what I mean).
Chapter 6: Going Home
This is really a good Chapter for comparative politics and it's a good example of why I wish the author had gone farther. Still Roberts does an excellent job of presenting the facts. I feel we have that problem here in the US. And we can see it for what it is in China a bit more dispassionately. China has no idea how to solve the drain of people and talent from rural China. It's trying a few things. We are trying a few things. But we got ghost towns just like China and - if we are honest - healthcare, childcare is a mess urban vs rural. China's a little better on public transit and infra, which helps, but... you know.. this is a good chapter for those trying to figure out policy here. I like this chapter, but I wish the Author had been bolder to take a chance on a real comparative politics discussion.
Chapter 7: The Future
Nice chapter. P. 170, I just read a book, where they seemed not to understand this concept that social media is monitored. Here we talk about it and how people behave. Nice. Additionally, he talks about the use of tech to help stabilize civic unrest. I really hope readers understand how different that is in China vs. the US and how essential it is in driving public and international policy. We dealt with this with a fraction of the size of population in the 60's and 70's so aggressively that we haven't had to meaningfully deal with it in over 50 years. Indeed, few realize how much the Chinese borrowed from the US efforts in the 70s after Tiananmen square and had their own initiatives at the Population College. A civic gathering in China is just not the same fear factor, danger, or potential issues as it is here. The implications though on privacy and personal liberty are real. But this chapter lays out why it matters ...
Epilogue
Nice work in summarizing. I'm not 100% sure on the HK comment. It's a stretch on income disparity. I think those protests are more that China and the former British way of doing biz and lifestyle is so different and still struggling to integrate since the change over in 1997.
One other note to the editor or author... The book says that the author resided in China for 2 decades. In the intro P.xix, the writer says: "my arrival... long after Deng had died". Maybe modify the wording. Deng died in 1997 or 1-2 years before depending on who you ask. It's an interesting story. I'm not quite sure that's "long after" unless you're rounding up to 2 decades. Regardless, it's just a possible word modification that's required either on the jacket or in this chapter.
Overall, I would definitely recommend this book. It does inspire discourse, which is a great thing. I think it's highly relevant in the current period for understanding foreign policy. It additionally would be a good comparative politics book to how China solves problems vs. other countries and is that right or wrong. Also, it's far more well-rounded than competing modern literature on the topic.
First, Dexter Roberts did a great job on being factual and not overly biased one way or the other. For readers that need to get up to speed on Modern China, it is a challenge in 2019 with both countries posturing like mad. The book definitely does take a stand. And unfortunately, the title will tilt readers vs. allowing Roberts to convince them via making a cogent neutral argument for both. But... it likely sells more books given current Anti-China Sentiment. This is sad to me, b/c I don't think Dexter is Anti-China and truly hope the Chinese government doesn't misinterpret any parts of this piece in that fashion.
Chapter 1 is probably my least favorite and the only one I would take issue with. I believe he's trying to articulate the state of the Factory and their poor conditions. Where it sours for me has to do with the author's admitted strength of knowledge of the post-Deng period over the period that came before. I think a lot of the tilt of the chapter paints the period of Deng as an agricultural sort of life/society where workers didn't work in these large bohemeth factories via some sort of Oliver Twist/Charles Dickens view. That's just not true. The transition to factories was already mostly completed by the Gang of Four period at the end of Mao's life and was more or less the situation by the time of Deng. That's actually pretty easy to look up by just viewing the urban to rural population demographics that existed even in the late 90's when I was studying China, as it was one of the major issues at the time. As this is one of the major facets of how he then makes his argument on the chapter, the impact overall lessons of what he's saying.
From my perspective, the factories in 2000 period grew out of the Communes of the Mao period and were just as bad to potentially worse. Meaning, many of the infra of these buildings were exactly what was there during the Mao period, retooled. The 2000 period was for sure a transition in capital and so you started to see a mix of the buildings today and what was there before. For that reason, much of this portion misses the mark for me. I can't speak to Guizhou specifically, but I do think that for a lot of the East coast/Southern communes conditions were essentially flat relative to the Mao period. For example, my mom who lived both urban and also - as a part of the red guard - was sent to the Southern farm communes during the 1970s reforms always told me about what she was allowed as relates to personal space. It's only slightly less than what is described in this book. Additionally, I have been going back to China since 1980 and I saw the size of home plus the number of family members in a 200-300 sq foot space in urban Guangzhou. Also, I went to Uni in China in 1997 and saw the "luxurious" shared foreign student quarters of 75sq ft vs. the locals dorms of the time. Similarly, I did go to the nearby commune outside of Nanjing and it was about the same but with less infra than what he described. Hence, IMO, this is the only chapter that I personally struggled with it and its interpretations and conclusions, given how much of the population has been moved out of such conditions since 1970. It's not that I think those conditions are ok, so much as the fact this exists in a different way than it did in the pre-2000 period is actually an uptick, not a downtick as presented.
Chapter 2: The Family
This might be better be entitled the Education system. It does a great job there, and misses the other issues IMO related to the family. I'd just as soon retitle it so as not to detract from great research. P. 39, there are stats on literacy. They are accurate to the reporting, but you gotta be careful on things like literacy from period of Mao and early Deng periods, where numbers could be deceiving. One of the biggest of which has to do with making your numbers, often modified by what constitutes literate (i.e. is it the 8000 characters common to college students or something else). Otherwise, the chapter brings up great points on both sides. P, 42 we talk about cost. In many countries in Asia, people do pay outright for education (ex: Indonesia). The cost in China is higher. Not sure if that is true income adjusted, but would have been happy to have some comparitive numbers. It misses it for me as it comes close to implying that education is free in the US. Actually, that cost is baked into property taxes, so property owners subsidize those that have not. The taxation concepts and systems are still newer in China, so it's not quite so straight forward. Otherwise, the chapter does a good job comparing the issues of China's urban/rural education, magnate schools vs. regular schools, to some that we face in a US context. It also highlights the challenge for those to advocate in China vs. the US. The penalties are quite a bit harsher in China b/c of how they see "unpatriotic activity" vs. the US.
Chapter 3 The Land
If you struggle with 1-2, this chapter is where I turned the corner toward 5 stars. The transition of the land over the last 20 years is presented both with what was done, why it was done and how people feel about it. Minor issues for me. P. 79, sitting in their cramped apartments sets a tone that is kind of negative, though the farmer feels it's a great upgrade. Again, this might have to do with my own Mao and Deng periods experiences. P. 87, he ends with a point about elder age healthcare and childcare. Ironically, I'm dealing with similar issues in the US for my own parents who live in rural US. So in this regard, there is a comparableness, though I'm not clear if the author is trying to make it or just highlight its bad in the China.
Chapter 4: The Party
Very well written. The focus on stability is very true. It's very hard to communicate the size of the population and its impact on the way the party thinks and how that plays out on a host of issues. The author does a decent job here.
Chapter 5: The Robots
Great job. We have the same issue here in the US in the balance between increasing production, creating abundance, but transitioning the population for the automation that is inevitable. China has a different set of starting resources and problems, so this was a big deal for them. P. 133 he talks about the Trump comment that has Beijing quieting down on their 2025. In my head, it's interesting b/c China can do 10, 20, and 50 year plans, but the US can't. This is a really good discussion point for any strategist or biz leader. China will likely still make good on many of the 2025 plans. How the US will respond can't just be "no you won't" in words and little else in deeds. This is highlighted in the book, but lost in the US press IMO currently, even by Trump's Fox news fiercest supporters. Hence, thumbs up Roberts for being on it. Also, P. 136, good point to end the chapter on as food for thought (buy book to see what I mean).
Chapter 6: Going Home
This is really a good Chapter for comparative politics and it's a good example of why I wish the author had gone farther. Still Roberts does an excellent job of presenting the facts. I feel we have that problem here in the US. And we can see it for what it is in China a bit more dispassionately. China has no idea how to solve the drain of people and talent from rural China. It's trying a few things. We are trying a few things. But we got ghost towns just like China and - if we are honest - healthcare, childcare is a mess urban vs rural. China's a little better on public transit and infra, which helps, but... you know.. this is a good chapter for those trying to figure out policy here. I like this chapter, but I wish the Author had been bolder to take a chance on a real comparative politics discussion.
Chapter 7: The Future
Nice chapter. P. 170, I just read a book, where they seemed not to understand this concept that social media is monitored. Here we talk about it and how people behave. Nice. Additionally, he talks about the use of tech to help stabilize civic unrest. I really hope readers understand how different that is in China vs. the US and how essential it is in driving public and international policy. We dealt with this with a fraction of the size of population in the 60's and 70's so aggressively that we haven't had to meaningfully deal with it in over 50 years. Indeed, few realize how much the Chinese borrowed from the US efforts in the 70s after Tiananmen square and had their own initiatives at the Population College. A civic gathering in China is just not the same fear factor, danger, or potential issues as it is here. The implications though on privacy and personal liberty are real. But this chapter lays out why it matters ...
Epilogue
Nice work in summarizing. I'm not 100% sure on the HK comment. It's a stretch on income disparity. I think those protests are more that China and the former British way of doing biz and lifestyle is so different and still struggling to integrate since the change over in 1997.
One other note to the editor or author... The book says that the author resided in China for 2 decades. In the intro P.xix, the writer says: "my arrival... long after Deng had died". Maybe modify the wording. Deng died in 1997 or 1-2 years before depending on who you ask. It's an interesting story. I'm not quite sure that's "long after" unless you're rounding up to 2 decades. Regardless, it's just a possible word modification that's required either on the jacket or in this chapter.
Overall, I would definitely recommend this book. It does inspire discourse, which is a great thing. I think it's highly relevant in the current period for understanding foreign policy. It additionally would be a good comparative politics book to how China solves problems vs. other countries and is that right or wrong. Also, it's far more well-rounded than competing modern literature on the topic.
December 24, 2020
Poorly structured in my view, ambiguous content that has a very light touch with the title -"Chinese Capitalism".
The largest part missed is China's commercial & business world, especially the penetration of authoritarian system into private sectors and government control in the business world.
The struggles between private & state-owned capital in market practice should be the core of "Chinese Capitalism", rather than the farmers and workers in the remote and poorest area.
Otherwise, this book should be given a different title - < What I saw and witnessed in China's poorest regions>
The largest part missed is China's commercial & business world, especially the penetration of authoritarian system into private sectors and government control in the business world.
The struggles between private & state-owned capital in market practice should be the core of "Chinese Capitalism", rather than the farmers and workers in the remote and poorest area.
Otherwise, this book should be given a different title - < What I saw and witnessed in China's poorest regions>
April 5, 2020
I was given an advance copy by the publishers.
Roberts had been going to the poorest regions of inland China to actually talk to people there, who had always been poor and under-educated, who used to go to the coastal cities to provide cheap manufacturing labour. He is fluent in Mandarin and so could talk to the people directly.
So under the unfair hukou system, one is always registered where one was born. All benefits such as education, housing and medical treatment are tied to one’s hukou. When the migrant workers work in factories in the coastal cities, they have no rights or benefits. Their children cannot enter public schools, so they spend their primary life in lousy private schools in the cities, and have to go back to the countryside for secondary schools and beyond. This they often stay with their grandparents and not parents.
The hukou system will not be changed. Automation is happening fast and coastal Chinese labour is becoming too expensive. So new factories and data centres are being built more and more inland. Migrant workers are encouraged to go home. Highways and high speed rails have been built.
Funny thing is, despite all these, Roberts is pessimistic about China. He believes that it will have the same fate as the old Soviet Union. Despite describing many improvements of the poor country folks over the years, he thinks China’s economy cannot keep growing. This greatly puzzles me because China’s foreign direct investment in Singapore has increased 10% per year over the past 10 years. It is still less than what other countries are investing, but lots of our houses and new railways are built by Chinese companies. China is also Singapore’s top trading partner.
So 4 star for this book.
Roberts had been going to the poorest regions of inland China to actually talk to people there, who had always been poor and under-educated, who used to go to the coastal cities to provide cheap manufacturing labour. He is fluent in Mandarin and so could talk to the people directly.
So under the unfair hukou system, one is always registered where one was born. All benefits such as education, housing and medical treatment are tied to one’s hukou. When the migrant workers work in factories in the coastal cities, they have no rights or benefits. Their children cannot enter public schools, so they spend their primary life in lousy private schools in the cities, and have to go back to the countryside for secondary schools and beyond. This they often stay with their grandparents and not parents.
The hukou system will not be changed. Automation is happening fast and coastal Chinese labour is becoming too expensive. So new factories and data centres are being built more and more inland. Migrant workers are encouraged to go home. Highways and high speed rails have been built.
Funny thing is, despite all these, Roberts is pessimistic about China. He believes that it will have the same fate as the old Soviet Union. Despite describing many improvements of the poor country folks over the years, he thinks China’s economy cannot keep growing. This greatly puzzles me because China’s foreign direct investment in Singapore has increased 10% per year over the past 10 years. It is still less than what other countries are investing, but lots of our houses and new railways are built by Chinese companies. China is also Singapore’s top trading partner.
So 4 star for this book.
May 13, 2020
You might expect a book titled The Myth of Chinese Capitalism written by a longtime Businessweek journalist to be a numbers-driven analysis of economic policy, labor, and manufacturing in the People’s Republic. While author Dexter Roberts does touch on these topics, his primary focus is on people, not statistics, and those people are the ones laboring at the bottom of the country’s manufacturing sector. “I hadn’t come to China to write about Harvard-educated MBAs, former McKinsey consultants, tapping VC money to fund internet start-ups in China. That, in fact, completely bored me,” Roberts explains early on. His interest is in the migrant workers who have left their rural homes in the country’s interior and ventured to the factories along China’s southern coastline. Between the mid-1990s, when Roberts first arrived as a foreign correspondent, and the mid-2010s, those migrants helped propel an export-driven explosion of economic growth that made China the story of the early 21st century.
The years of double-digit expansion are in the past, however, and much of The Myth of Chinese Capitalism explores how both the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese workforce will adapt to a new economic landscape. Roberts uses the Mo family of Guizhou—one of China’s poorest provinces—as a jumping-off point for many of his discussions. After first meeting some members of the family at the turn of the century, he made periodic contact with them and traces changes in their fortunes to illustrate larger points about the promises and limitations of China’s economic reforms.
The CCP has pledged to transform the PRC into a “moderately prosperous” society by 2021 (the hundredth anniversary of the Party’s founding) and seeks to promote future economic growth through consumer spending and the service sector. But the migrant workers who powered the first two decades of China’s economic rise can’t easily make this transition: the household registration (hukou) system ties them to the countryside by preventing them from accessing social services in cities; a high savings rate, necessary due to the lack of adequate health insurance and retirement plans, makes them conservative consumers; and the limitations of rural education make it unlikely that many in the next generation will be adequately prepared for the high-tech “innovation” economy desired by the country’s leadership. Migrant workers might have believed that their toils would yield a better lot in life—if not for them, for their children—but structural constraints held in place by the CCP impose a limit on upward mobility.
The Myth of Chinese Capitalism is a useful update to previous books about China’s migrant workforce, and would especially complement Factory Girls: From Village to City in a Changing China (2008), by Leslie T. Chang. Because Roberts only drops in on the large Mo family from time to time (rather than focusing the narrative on their story), it can be difficult to remember their names and occupations from one anecdote to the next (though there is a list of dramatis personae in the front matter to mitigate this issue; I read an electronic galley in which flipping back and forth was annoying). In The Myth of Chinese Capitalism, Roberts has produced an interesting and thorough overview of China’s economic growth, in which he directs the reader’s attention not on numbers but the lives of people working toward an ever-elusive promise of “moderate prosperity.”
ARC provided by NetGalley.
The years of double-digit expansion are in the past, however, and much of The Myth of Chinese Capitalism explores how both the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese workforce will adapt to a new economic landscape. Roberts uses the Mo family of Guizhou—one of China’s poorest provinces—as a jumping-off point for many of his discussions. After first meeting some members of the family at the turn of the century, he made periodic contact with them and traces changes in their fortunes to illustrate larger points about the promises and limitations of China’s economic reforms.
The CCP has pledged to transform the PRC into a “moderately prosperous” society by 2021 (the hundredth anniversary of the Party’s founding) and seeks to promote future economic growth through consumer spending and the service sector. But the migrant workers who powered the first two decades of China’s economic rise can’t easily make this transition: the household registration (hukou) system ties them to the countryside by preventing them from accessing social services in cities; a high savings rate, necessary due to the lack of adequate health insurance and retirement plans, makes them conservative consumers; and the limitations of rural education make it unlikely that many in the next generation will be adequately prepared for the high-tech “innovation” economy desired by the country’s leadership. Migrant workers might have believed that their toils would yield a better lot in life—if not for them, for their children—but structural constraints held in place by the CCP impose a limit on upward mobility.
The Myth of Chinese Capitalism is a useful update to previous books about China’s migrant workforce, and would especially complement Factory Girls: From Village to City in a Changing China (2008), by Leslie T. Chang. Because Roberts only drops in on the large Mo family from time to time (rather than focusing the narrative on their story), it can be difficult to remember their names and occupations from one anecdote to the next (though there is a list of dramatis personae in the front matter to mitigate this issue; I read an electronic galley in which flipping back and forth was annoying). In The Myth of Chinese Capitalism, Roberts has produced an interesting and thorough overview of China’s economic growth, in which he directs the reader’s attention not on numbers but the lives of people working toward an ever-elusive promise of “moderate prosperity.”
ARC provided by NetGalley.
May 15, 2020
Lots of repetition and re-re-introducing events/places/persons which could have been easily avoided through some stricter editing. Clumsy writing and few if any novel insights to anyone who knows a little bit about Chinese society and its economy. The book balances between being a personal, journalistic account of experiences interviewing Chinese people, sometimes dedicating one or two paragraphs to describing a setting but then failing to actually draw anything meaningful from the interview/experience itself, and a scholarly examination of the threat to China's economic and political stability. Most importantly, a vast amount of the interviews took place in the early 2000s, making its relevance to the present and near future questionable to a society that has massively changed since. It seems the author decided to string some interviews done in the past together and tie the whole thing up in the final chapter, which provided a mildly interesting review of the current economic challenges facing Beijing.
September 20, 2023
美國記者寫的以農民工為主的紀實與觀察，從農民工的成因、家庭、土地、權力等議題談談這個大陸所獨有的社會現象，相信老美對這種與西方截然不同甚至不可想像的情況只會感觸更深，所以整本書雖然只是對現象的描述，但依然有許多發人深省的地方。
說實話，窮困落後從來不是什麼丟臉的事，真正丟臉的是忘記了誰導致億萬中國人民的一窮二白；忘記了是誰偷天換日把所謂脫貧算成功勞攬在自己身上的；忘記了是誰至今還在打壓洗腦人民。
這本書相信在大陸不會有問市的機會，任何對中國有利但對中共不利的人事物肯定都會被黨查禁閹割，所謂欲亡其國先滅其史，今天很多人仍將中國中共混淆不清，除了部分對近代史不熟悉的人之外，更有不少人心知肚明卻故意為之，這種把加害人和被害人一鍋燴的偷換觀念，為的是誰的政治利益可說不言可諭。作者今天只談了中共對農民工現象的責任與作為，卻少談了讓這群不幸的世代站不起身的還有大陸以外的無良政治團體，人民何其不幸的道理不需白首窮經，只需睜開眼睛看看世界也能多少感同身受才是…
說實話，窮困落後從來不是什麼丟臉的事，真正丟臉的是忘記了誰導致億萬中國人民的一窮二白；忘記了是誰偷天換日把所謂脫貧算成功勞攬在自己身上的；忘記了是誰至今還在打壓洗腦人民。
這本書相信在大陸不會有問市的機會，任何對中國有利但對中共不利的人事物肯定都會被黨查禁閹割，所謂欲亡其國先滅其史，今天很多人仍將中國中共混淆不清，除了部分對近代史不熟悉的人之外，更有不少人心知肚明卻故意為之，這種把加害人和被害人一鍋燴的偷換觀念，為的是誰的政治利益可說不言可諭。作者今天只談了中共對農民工現象的責任與作為，卻少談了讓這群不幸的世代站不起身的還有大陸以外的無良政治團體，人民何其不幸的道理不需白首窮經，只需睜開眼睛看看世界也能多少感同身受才是…
Want to read
December 31, 2021I skimmed through the book last night, and it looks pretty good! Will find the time to read it more closely later!
More to come.
More to come.
January 22, 2022
There are some interesting insights into the shifting terrain of China in this book, but it’s fundamentally liberal in its understanding of Chinese politics. The author, a Bloomberg journalist, can’t help but interject with musings on “authoritarianism” through the proceedings, however small; the same goes for the need to “liberalize” (i.e. privatize I.e. make capitalist) the economy further. He does acknowledge the good that the CPC has done in the grand narrative, but ultimately plays against them in the same, after all being a book about the problems that have arisen in the era of reform and opening up.
My biggest issue with the book is how he bounces around in the narrative without much sense of the political mood of each era, referencing interviews from people in the early 2000s while talking about issues that face the Party and country in 2017; this occurs quite commonly throughout the book and is clearly meant to establish a narrative about the CPC.
My biggest issue with the book is how he bounces around in the narrative without much sense of the political mood of each era, referencing interviews from people in the early 2000s while talking about issues that face the Party and country in 2017; this occurs quite commonly throughout the book and is clearly meant to establish a narrative about the CPC.
November 24, 2022
Really good jump off point into the history of capitalism in China covering Political, economic and social consequences of the re-installation of capitalism
February 17, 2021
Really enjoyed reading this fast-paced and interesting book. Roberts is a journalist, which means that his prose is accessible and clear, and that his study leans in an anecdotal direction. I.e., this is not a deep or academic meditation on the Chinese political-economy. Then again, it's not without some careful consideration of political and economic trends in the PRC since the reform age dawned in 1978.
Roberts' thesis is more/less that China is at risk of falling into the middle-income-trap, in which a country's economy grows, thanks to its cheap labour force and associated amenities. But once wages begin to rise (and Roberts gives a few reasons for this in China), the country is no longer as desirable for manufacturing. Transitioning to another kind of economy would require massive strides in education and other investments in "human capital," but those are not happening in China, which has a terrible educational system.
Roberts' strength is in taking us to the working-class Chinese folks impacted by this brutal economic system. Through Roberts we meet the left-behind schoolchildren, whose migrant parents toil in a distant city. Through Roberts we meet those migrant workers and travel to their rural villages. We hear their thoughts about their work, nation, families, and futures.
Roberts helps us to encounter the real people who, but the 100s of millions, make up the Chinese working class. We smell their cigarettes, watch their tea poured, and stare at propaganda posters peeling off roadside walls. We see in Roberts the juxtaposition of these modernist slogans with the more bleak lives of ordinary people.
It's not all bad, of course: Roberts is not trying to tell us that China is a miserable country. Not at all. We also hear people joke and see children play. But his point is that China's bottom billion don't have much of a chance at upward mobility, unless the economy takes a new turn.
But it isn't at all clear, Roberts shows, that the PRC government will make changes to uplift the teeming lower classes. Roberts writes of disgruntled migrants moving back to rural areas: it's a fascinating trend. Will it mean labour-shortages in SE China? Or will manufacturing shift inland? Meanwhile, labour-saving robotics (a fascinating chapter in this book) loom large, even as many manufacturers are looking to move towards Southeast Asia.
Roberts missed the chance to address other problems with an economic model that may be past its prime. He might have featured demographic issues, such as the aging population. This older China offers less labour and higher demand for state services; twin pincers for a country that has exploited young labour for decades. And how is settler-colonialism in Western China figuring into these plans for the future? Will the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) help create neo-colonial dependencies to exploit? Roberts hints at the elephant in the room: the Party has become a creature of elites. It is a party of cronyism and corruption, a party that works hard to keep affluent Chinese happy. Can it then be expected to engage in the tax policies, spending, and investments that China needs? Will Chinese elites pay for badly needed investments in human capital? Or will they burrow into their own wealth as the country's economy is trapped, and as the nation's masses grow increasingly discontent?
Roberts' thesis is more/less that China is at risk of falling into the middle-income-trap, in which a country's economy grows, thanks to its cheap labour force and associated amenities. But once wages begin to rise (and Roberts gives a few reasons for this in China), the country is no longer as desirable for manufacturing. Transitioning to another kind of economy would require massive strides in education and other investments in "human capital," but those are not happening in China, which has a terrible educational system.
Roberts' strength is in taking us to the working-class Chinese folks impacted by this brutal economic system. Through Roberts we meet the left-behind schoolchildren, whose migrant parents toil in a distant city. Through Roberts we meet those migrant workers and travel to their rural villages. We hear their thoughts about their work, nation, families, and futures.
Roberts helps us to encounter the real people who, but the 100s of millions, make up the Chinese working class. We smell their cigarettes, watch their tea poured, and stare at propaganda posters peeling off roadside walls. We see in Roberts the juxtaposition of these modernist slogans with the more bleak lives of ordinary people.
It's not all bad, of course: Roberts is not trying to tell us that China is a miserable country. Not at all. We also hear people joke and see children play. But his point is that China's bottom billion don't have much of a chance at upward mobility, unless the economy takes a new turn.
But it isn't at all clear, Roberts shows, that the PRC government will make changes to uplift the teeming lower classes. Roberts writes of disgruntled migrants moving back to rural areas: it's a fascinating trend. Will it mean labour-shortages in SE China? Or will manufacturing shift inland? Meanwhile, labour-saving robotics (a fascinating chapter in this book) loom large, even as many manufacturers are looking to move towards Southeast Asia.
Roberts missed the chance to address other problems with an economic model that may be past its prime. He might have featured demographic issues, such as the aging population. This older China offers less labour and higher demand for state services; twin pincers for a country that has exploited young labour for decades. And how is settler-colonialism in Western China figuring into these plans for the future? Will the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) help create neo-colonial dependencies to exploit? Roberts hints at the elephant in the room: the Party has become a creature of elites. It is a party of cronyism and corruption, a party that works hard to keep affluent Chinese happy. Can it then be expected to engage in the tax policies, spending, and investments that China needs? Will Chinese elites pay for badly needed investments in human capital? Or will they burrow into their own wealth as the country's economy is trapped, and as the nation's masses grow increasingly discontent?
August 12, 2020
Not a bad book, especially because the author spends an extended amount of time in Guizhou, a province which we really don't see much reporting from, but not really sure who the readership would be, as most casual readers wouldn't bother to pick it up, but wannabe "China watchers" won't find much new in it.
May 29, 2021
A very detailed research book on China's economy and its future. With plenty of natural resources and obedient nationals, China should have a great prospect and potential if not ruled by present illiterate, irrational but arrogant party.
October 29, 2021
2.5 stars, this was a collection of anecdotes and interviews but lacked the analysis tying them to the author's intended thesis (hint, the title)
July 19, 2021
"The Myth of Chinese Capitalism" offers excellent insight into the Chinese economy that will expand the knowledge and understanding of Americans and others who are not familiar with how China has transitioned from Communism to a capitalist economy.
The title suggests that this book has an overarching narrative, but it is more a series of anecdotes that reveal that the Chinese economy is as flawed as the economy of any other country. A better title for this book would have been "The Myth of Capitalism" or "The Reality of Chinese Capitalism." That China sees resentment between rural and urban families, has deeply rooted public corruption, and great inequality does not suggest that China is unlike capitalism elsewhere, but that it is perhaps more alike than we are often willing to admit. Roberts does an excellent job describing the uniquely Chinese characteristics of its economic system, namely the system of family registries that systematically imposes unique challenges on internal migrants, such as parents compelled to leave their children behind in rural villages to attend school as the parents earn a living for their families in the cities. Of course, other countries also have their unique characteristics that highlight the failure of public officials to acknowledge and address the dilemmas and paradoxes that face their societies.
Roberts, unfortunately, does not take the opportunity to draw out some conclusions from his writing. Considering that China is a one-party state, does Roberts think that the problems he witnessed will risk undermining the government, or will the government successfully navigate the problems of its immature capitalist economy? Has capitalism in China truly made people better off, or will China's economy become even stronger, maintaining high growth, if it sheds the inefficiencies highlighted by Roberts?
Roberts book gives the reader much to think about. Although it does not live up to its ambitions and leaves the serious and obvious questions it raises largely unaddressed, it is an excellent piece of journalism that highlights that China is not unlike other countries in facing economic challenges and increasing the well-being of its citizens.
The title suggests that this book has an overarching narrative, but it is more a series of anecdotes that reveal that the Chinese economy is as flawed as the economy of any other country. A better title for this book would have been "The Myth of Capitalism" or "The Reality of Chinese Capitalism." That China sees resentment between rural and urban families, has deeply rooted public corruption, and great inequality does not suggest that China is unlike capitalism elsewhere, but that it is perhaps more alike than we are often willing to admit. Roberts does an excellent job describing the uniquely Chinese characteristics of its economic system, namely the system of family registries that systematically imposes unique challenges on internal migrants, such as parents compelled to leave their children behind in rural villages to attend school as the parents earn a living for their families in the cities. Of course, other countries also have their unique characteristics that highlight the failure of public officials to acknowledge and address the dilemmas and paradoxes that face their societies.
Roberts, unfortunately, does not take the opportunity to draw out some conclusions from his writing. Considering that China is a one-party state, does Roberts think that the problems he witnessed will risk undermining the government, or will the government successfully navigate the problems of its immature capitalist economy? Has capitalism in China truly made people better off, or will China's economy become even stronger, maintaining high growth, if it sheds the inefficiencies highlighted by Roberts?
Roberts book gives the reader much to think about. Although it does not live up to its ambitions and leaves the serious and obvious questions it raises largely unaddressed, it is an excellent piece of journalism that highlights that China is not unlike other countries in facing economic challenges and increasing the well-being of its citizens.
September 18, 2020
Interesting book about the Life of Chinese workers, how their position has changed over time and the challenges they face. Not really too much new ground for anyone already familiar with the houkou residence system, but does add a human face to much of what has been previously reported.
The books publisher’s again take the concept of not judging a book by its cover to new lengths - there is actually very little about any myths of Chinese capitalism and virtually nothing on how what is happening in China will impact the rest of the world.
The book is broken into chapters which look at various aspects of workers lives although much of the focus is on the impact of the humor system in one form or another. The author uses cases from a small village in guizhou that he has visited often and examines the impact of firstly emigration to coastal cities on the community and those left behind and then the return of workers and industries. Much of the material comes from early in the writer’s over twenty years in China, it is not always obvious from the writing though, exactly which period of time the events referred to are occurring in.
In some ways heartbreaking at the difficulty of the lives that Chinese workers live and the hardships they face, there are shards of optimism about the improvements in living standards that have been achieved, but equally these are balanced by concerns over what will happen to the workers of the future as robotisation takes hold and workers are pushed into low-level service jobs such as food delivery workers.
The books publisher’s again take the concept of not judging a book by its cover to new lengths - there is actually very little about any myths of Chinese capitalism and virtually nothing on how what is happening in China will impact the rest of the world.
The book is broken into chapters which look at various aspects of workers lives although much of the focus is on the impact of the humor system in one form or another. The author uses cases from a small village in guizhou that he has visited often and examines the impact of firstly emigration to coastal cities on the community and those left behind and then the return of workers and industries. Much of the material comes from early in the writer’s over twenty years in China, it is not always obvious from the writing though, exactly which period of time the events referred to are occurring in.
In some ways heartbreaking at the difficulty of the lives that Chinese workers live and the hardships they face, there are shards of optimism about the improvements in living standards that have been achieved, but equally these are balanced by concerns over what will happen to the workers of the future as robotisation takes hold and workers are pushed into low-level service jobs such as food delivery workers.
May 29, 2020
The Myth of Chinese Capitalism, dedicated to "the migrant workers of China and their families", is an illuminating read in these times. Through a series of vignettes, Roberts chronicles the "rocket ship" like journey of China's peasant and migrant populations through decades of growth - economic, environmental and social - achieved at all costs. His on the ground observations, beginning in 1995 and taking readers to the present day, highlights both the vulnerabilities and resilience of a people who found themselves with seats on the ride of a lifetime, a ride that may be slowing just as many are starting to wonder: "is it as good for me as it was for you?" How individuals and society will internalize and construct upon the answers to this question, he suggests, will be critical to a future in which continued reforms (to address issues including unfairness, inequality, sustainability) could be dominated by more robots, rules, and a certain type of rhetoric. Capitalism in China may be a myth, Roberts suggests, but the commitment of the Chinese Community Party to transforming China into a "modern socialist country" remains resolute.
For those interested in reflections on similar themes, from an more urban perspective, Age of Ambition: Chasing Fortune, Truth and Faith in the New China by Evan Osnos is a highly complementary read.
For those interested in reflections on similar themes, from an more urban perspective, Age of Ambition: Chasing Fortune, Truth and Faith in the New China by Evan Osnos is a highly complementary read.
May 25, 2020
Roberts' deep sympathy for the children of migrant laborers gives life to this book.
I was a Peace Corps volunteer in Bijie, Guizhou until February of this year. Bijie, often considered the poorest place in Guizhou, is mentioned twice in his book; the asphyxiation of five cousins, killed by a charcoal fire while left alone by parents working in Shenzhen, and the suicide of four children in a similar situation.
This book draws attention to these children's schooling conditions: the crowding, the overwhelmed staff, the punishments meted out to those who dare to say its wrong. Many of my students at Guizhou University of Engineering Science made the same migrant shuffle he describes, a childhood with grandparents in the countryside, elementary school in Fujian or Guangdong, middle and high school back in the village. For those who ask me, what was Guizhou like? this book will be a recommendation for those who are willing to read.
I only wish that I had met him during this reporting trips to the province, I'd have liked to introduce him to some interesting people in Bijie.
I was a Peace Corps volunteer in Bijie, Guizhou until February of this year. Bijie, often considered the poorest place in Guizhou, is mentioned twice in his book; the asphyxiation of five cousins, killed by a charcoal fire while left alone by parents working in Shenzhen, and the suicide of four children in a similar situation.
This book draws attention to these children's schooling conditions: the crowding, the overwhelmed staff, the punishments meted out to those who dare to say its wrong. Many of my students at Guizhou University of Engineering Science made the same migrant shuffle he describes, a childhood with grandparents in the countryside, elementary school in Fujian or Guangdong, middle and high school back in the village. For those who ask me, what was Guizhou like? this book will be a recommendation for those who are willing to read.
I only wish that I had met him during this reporting trips to the province, I'd have liked to introduce him to some interesting people in Bijie.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
August 19, 2023
The Myth of Chinese Capitalism: The Worker, the Factory, and the Future of the World by Dexter Tiff Roberts is part investigatory journalism, part professional travelog, part economic survey. Through his own eyes and his experience in China (such as in Guizhou), Roberts explores recent historical patterns in China's economy and business practices. Its a bit too anecdotal and inductive to live up to the title of the book, but the overall picture Roberts weaves through his words is one worth entertaining. There are pressures facing China's industry, and there are real cracks beneath the veneer of boundless, optimistic growth. Given recent trends, some of this work will come across as prescient. Even so, I'm not sure that this book will be on that endures. In four or five years, I imagine only niche readers, voracious wonks, and researchers will give this a read.
December 30, 2021
This is a meticulously researched book with a focus on the working poor of the poorer parts of China. Not as fact and figures focused as I expected but rather a focus on telling the stories of the Chinese people. In particular I enjoyed the descriptions of how unions are systematically suppressed by the CCP and also how western companies are partly responsible for the working conditions in the Chinese factories as they built policies for keeping their brand out of trouble instead of building more sustainable industry wide solutions. Recommended to readers who are not already familiar with the great disparity between different people in China.
April 9, 2023
An easily accessible survey of the economic forces at work in - and the most pressing issues faced by - contemporary Chinese society. If you have been hearing a lot of tidbits of seemingly unconnected information about China in the press (e-commerce, surveillance, middle-income trap, manufacturing, labour etc.) but couldn't really see the whole picture like myself, this book is perfect! Most chapters also give us a glimpse into the individual lives of China's poorest through the authors personal encounters with migrant workers and struggling village folk, which lends a much more empathetic air to the entire discussion than one hears from economist and pundits.
October 19, 2020
Chinese capitalism is kind-of an oxymoron! I've looked at it through the lens of how forward thinking the Chinese leaders were to navigate modern life and economics in a way to keep them in power, as opposed to the "fall" of the Soviet Union. This helped me understand it a lot better--how the government still has their fist hanging over how business is allowed to exist. It also helped me understand the rural/urban divide and where and why poverty and access to education exists the way it does. Finally, it also helped me understand their internal migration. It was a bit of a slog.
February 19, 2021
This book was a hard read, and yet another skewed perspective on China from a very pro-western perspective. It uses recycled theories by other anti-China authors and mainstream media from decades ago about how the Chinese economy is unsustainable, and essentially indirectly saying, its going to fail.
Yet here we see it today, in real time, every talking point/ argument in this book proven wrong. The proof is in the pudding. Advise to China skeptics who consume this type of material?
Just go visit China yourself.
Yet here we see it today, in real time, every talking point/ argument in this book proven wrong. The proof is in the pudding. Advise to China skeptics who consume this type of material?
Just go visit China yourself.
February 3, 2021
Dry and dense is a bad combination. I give myself a medal for finishing! But if you are interested in the general topic of Chinese society stability, and specifically the tensions between the rural and urban communities, then perhaps you too will medal!
Glass half full, book is very insightful and is a helpful reminder that China - pre-ordained world economic champion of the 21st century and beyond - has -PLENTY of challenges of their own on the immediate horizon.
Glass half full, book is very insightful and is a helpful reminder that China - pre-ordained world economic champion of the 21st century and beyond - has -PLENTY of challenges of their own on the immediate horizon.
January 29, 2023
Just like the Western world has for decades outsourced its industry to China in search of lower costs, Dexter Tiffs shows in the book how China itself outsourced its economic growth, industrious and labor-intensive to the migrants from the rural parts of China while perpetuating a discriminatory system in how they work and are treated while working in the big factory-cities of the Coast. A system about to break for good.
October 1, 2020
Defining the "Myth" eludes Roberts. The book slips into common generalities about China without ever coming to grip with any detail.
The issues presented are real enough but discussion is often confusing as Roberts struggles to keep the chronology clear given frequent policy changes by the government.
The issues presented are real enough but discussion is often confusing as Roberts struggles to keep the chronology clear given frequent policy changes by the government.
February 24, 2023
This book is great cause the author talked to many people in China and has his own obervations / judgements, at least worth reading.
However, China is too complicated to be summarized in 300 pages, the typical problem of "China Watcher" is they cannot tell a good enough story as a whole. But at least you can learn something from it.
However, China is too complicated to be summarized in 300 pages, the typical problem of "China Watcher" is they cannot tell a good enough story as a whole. But at least you can learn something from it.
May 21, 2021
I’d really give this a 4.5. It could have been a little shorter. I wish I soulless have read this before visiting China. It explains a lot of what I saw. I highly recommend this as it explains the Chinese economic policy.
August 30, 2021
Absolutely wonderful Read. Certainly would like to read more of Dexter Roberts…..
According to this book, there is lot of Onus on India. It would be interesting as to how India shapes up to the opportunity. As of now, the opportunity seems to be slipping away…..
According to this book, there is lot of Onus on India. It would be interesting as to how India shapes up to the opportunity. As of now, the opportunity seems to be slipping away…..
December 5, 2022
Well-written I suppose, but it tries to make an anecdotal, hypothetical argument against an empirical present and past. Maybe it will age better in time with many of its arguments proving true, but we're still a ways away from the China Roberts depicted.
May 6, 2020
Interesting read.
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