This book does not just chronicle the proliferation of nuclear-armed states, it is an academic text that provides a novel way of thinking about the subject as a whole. Narang establishes his Proliferation Strategy Theory as an alternative to older, more robust approaches to international relations, and he is quite opinionated that it is superior to these. It is easy to see why considering how cohesive the model is. Specifically, he promotes PST as an alternative to both the realist and technological determinist camps of international studies. Previous literature only broke nuclear proliferation down into either states that sprinted towards armament, or nuclear latent states with no weapons capabilities. Narang describes the latter as "hedgers", and differentiates between three types: technical hedgers, who only have capabilities for nuclear energy production, but could potentially mobilize for weapons development (Argentina, Brazil, etc.); insurance hedgers, who likewise have the resources for nuclear weapons but are protected by an umbrella of deterrence from an allied great power that otherwise prevents proliferations (Germany, Japan, etc.); and hard hedgers, who have nuclear resources that could be mobilized extremely quickly for weapons production, because of a potential outside security threat (Sweden, Switzerland, Argentina, Brazil, Iran, etc.). Each form of hedging in this list is predicated by the previous one, with hard hedging being the closest to actual nuclear proliferation.
Narang then narrows the definition of countries who sprinted to their weapons development, arguing that this is only possible for nations with sufficient conventional capabilities to prevent foreign interference. This was the case with the great powers (P5) whose proliferation occurred prior to the NPT (as well as India, who sprinted following a long period of hedging). Narang instead provides a form of proliferation analogous to insurance hedging with the sheltered pursuers, who only developed nuclear weapons following sufficient security guarantees from larger states. The United States sheltered both Israel and Pakistan's weapons programs in order to maintain the security of its interests in the Middle East, while China permitted North Korea to develop their program to create a strong buffer between the PRC and South Korea. Finally, there are the hiders, who seek indigenous weapons programs in spite of the NPT, with any public knowledge of these surely warranting international sanctions or even armed intervention. Only South Africa was able to successfully develop nuclear weapons in complete hiding (before dismantling the program, as the failing apartheid government did not want the rising ANC, representing the millions of people who had long discriminated against under apartheid, to have access to nuclear weapons). Previous attempts at describing proliferation efforts have long had difficulties squaring away South Africa with the other nuclear states, especially since they are also the only country to have given up their nukes. Narang solves this by expanding his analysis of hiders to include the many states who failed in their hiding efforts, such as Iraq, Taiwan, Syria, and Libya. Iraq's case is quite interesting, as Saddam very much did want to have a nuclear weapons program even immediately prior to his ousting. But their hiding efforts were simply too lacking and inept as a result of being shut off from foreign help and having to go through great pains to avoid international scrutiny. US intelligence leading up to the Iraq War had indeed discovered vast complexes for weapons development, but these simply had not produced anything substantially fissile, making the war effort bunk.
Narang not only outlines how PST explains each of history's nuclear pursuers, he also wants it to be used in efforts to dissuade future proliferation. In the case of Iran, the Obama-era Iranian nuclear deal well-demonstrated a nation shifting from hiding to hard hedging as described by PST, solely as a result of diplomatic pressure and promises of sanction relief. While Trump greatly confounded the effort by retreating from the deal, Iran remains committed to hard hedging as opposed to proliferation. Narang views this as evidence that PST is worthwhile for approaching non-proliferation, especially as great foreign policy issues, such as the war in Ukraine or failing American security guarantees in Europe (the book was written prior to both of these), have made nuclear weapons seem more desirable to some.
4.44/5 stars