A biography that reads like an adventure novel. The saga of Thomas Meagher starts with his end, a disappearance of a nearly penniless acting governor off of a riverboat at night in Fort Benton, Montana, in 1867. Was it an accident from a drunken stumble or murder from enemies he complained to the captain about (“Johnny, they threaten my life in that town.”). Egan’s summary bits on the life of a man I’d never heard of hooks me to become eager for the story to rectify that ignorance. A man who gained fame as a voice of rebellion at the time of the potato famine in the 1840s, leading to his conviction for sedition and banished to the penal colony of Tasmania. He makes an implausible escape and ends up in New York City, where he gains notoriety for political journalism and public speaking and marries a daughter of a prominent Protestant industrialist. When the Civil War comes he becomes the captain and chief recruiter of the Irish Brigade . Through valor and leadership in early battles, he soon becomes a general.
From this beginning, I was hungry to know more about how an aristocratic son could get radicalized by the famine to risk so much in hopeless action against the British Empire. How he was not executed. What he experienced in Tasmania. How he escaped and made his way to America. How he adapted to New York City society. How he could inspire so many Irish immigrants to fight in the war. How the extreme losses of his troops and criminal stupidity of his commanders discouraged him. How the terrible draft riots in New York and Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation turned the tide of the Irish majority against the Union cause and undermined his leadership with them. How he turned to emigration to the West after the war and ended up without intending it to become governor of Montana Territory. Why he made enemies there with a powerful vigilante group enough to justify his likely murder.
Born into a wealthy family in Waterford, Ireland, Meagher (pronounced “Mar”) got a classical education at a private school there and then at the respected Catholic school Stonyhurst College in Lancashire, England. He excelled in public speaking, debate, and dramatic acting. As he began to drift into studying law, the potato blight came as an obvious threat to the lives of millions of poor Irish who depended on the crop. They had no vote or voice in Parliament. The British politicians did little in the way of relief and did nothing to divert any of the ongoing bounteous exports of grain and other crops that made the British landowners and merchants rich. People caught stealing food were often sent into effective slave labor in the British colonies in the West Indies or penal colonies in Australia and Tasmania. This outrage was just one tipping point in the centuries of British oppression of Ireland, which Egan deftly slips into his narrative (e.g. attempted bans of Gaelic, the Catholic religion, cultural practices, and Cromwell’s rampage of slaughter in the 17th century). Meagher’s contribution to the outcry in radical newspapers and rousing public speeches on behalf of Irish home rule was not enough to get him jailed, given deference to his background, but many of his friends were arrested. His presence at a famous jailbreak attempt ended that reprieve, and permanent exile for a judgment was deemed best instead of execution to avoid making him a martyr. Before the jury of Protestants and packed courtroom, he got out some brave stirring words that inspired others long after:
“…I am here to speak the truth whatever it may cost. I am here to regret nothing I have ever done, to retract nothing I have already said. I am here to crave with no lying lip the life I consecrate to the liberty of my country. …To lift this island up, to make her a benefactor to humanity instead of being the meanest beggar in the world, to restore her to her native powers and ancient constitution—this has been my ambition, and this ambition has been my crime. Judged by the law of England, I know this crime entails the penalty of death , but the history of Ireland explains this crime, and justifies it. Judged by history, I am no criminal.”
As he did in prison, he kept the spirits up among his fellow conspirators on the miserable three month journey to the far side of the world with joking, recitations of poetry, and games. They were not subject to the cruelty and deprivation of the usual prisoner ships or even the extreme crowding and rampant disease faced by the hundreds of thousands of voluntary emigrants aboard private ships. Still, the exile to a harsh and alien land more than 20,000 miles from home was quite a mental punishment. On Tasmania, he was allowed to settle a particular province he could never leave and was forbidden to be outside at night. He built a cabin on a remote lake and used his imagination to see it as a special spot from his youth in Ireland. Only at a place on the boundary between districts could he meet and cavort with his friends from back home. He married a quiet daughter of a settler and tried to sustain an identity by writing. But his despair led him to wangle an opportunity to escape. That made for some exciting reading.
The New York section was fascinating in all its Dickensian details. Although he was welcomed as a hero and put to work for an Irish newspaper, the fate of the vast population of his fellow immigrants living in squalor as an underclass broke his heart. Of the nearly 850,000 Irish who came through Ellis Island in the late 1840s, about 200,000 settled into New York, representing about a fourth of the population. While many found their way into legitimate occupations and businesses, many took to the life of crime (think of the movie “Gangs of New York”). And criminals quickly corrupted the politicians, judges, and the police, and the political machine known as Tammany Hall was born. Rather than settle into work for a law firm, Meagher couldn’t resist putting his pen and voice to fighting injustice. The biggest threat he worked against was the growing power of the Know-Nothing Party, which had a bent against immigrants that outdid even today’s populist antagonism (after progrom-style attacks on foreigners in Philadelphia, they “knew nothing” when queried by police) . Lincoln characterized them in a letter to a friend:
As a nation, we began by declaring that ‘all men are created equal’. …We now practically read it ‘all men are created equal except Negroes.’ When the Know-Nothings get control, it will read ‘allmen are created equal except Negroes,and foreigners, and Catholics.’ “
When the Civil War came, Meagher was quick to join forces with others to form the Irish Brigade of volunteers to defend the capital. He had much success with the recruiting argument that the Irish could earn the respect of their new country by helping suppress a rebellion that depended critically on alliance with their enemy, the British government and its industry driven by cheap cotton grown by slave labor. In the back of his mind, he also felt that development of military skills would eventually pay off in freeing Ireland from Crown control. Though the first battles of Bull Run and Manassas ended up a defeat for the Union, the Irish Brigade demonstrated courage and discipline and earned the respect of General Sherman despite his clear prejudices against the Irish. Soon the commanders were throwing the Irish Brigade into the toughest frays, leading to much loss of life. McClellan, the Commander of the Army of the Potoac, failed to take advantage when Meagher’s forces got within striking distance of the Confederate capital, Richmond . Lincoln’s replacement for this popular but over-cautious commander, Burnside, was even more disastrous for Meagher’s men. At the battle of Fredericksburg, Virginia, midway between Washington and Richmond, Burnside ordered them to take a well-defended Rebel position behind a stone wall on a hill known as Marye’s Heights. After 14 fruitless charges up the hill, 3,000 of his men were mowed down. At battle’s end, the Union suffered 13,000 dead and wounded to 5,000 for the Confederacy. Meagher never got over the criminal waste of his men, a source of despair mitigated little by Lincoln swiftly firing Burnside.
After a period of more battles under Hooker (Chancellorsville and the “Wilderness”), Meagher resigned his commission. Back in New York, all his dreams about leading Irish immigrants to a higher status were irrevocably destroyed by the infamous riot that broke out when Lincoln instituted a draft. The provision that people with $300 could buy their way out of the draft or hire a replacement for service was the straw that broke the camel’s back for the underclass dominated by the Irish. In the riots anything or anyone of authority or wealth was a target, and the growing population of blacks were also attacked as a threat to their jobs. Through four days of rampage, much of Manhattan was burned and perhaps 500 were killed directly or indirectly. The next step that breached Meagher’s alliance with the majority of his fellow Irish was the Emancipation Proclamation. With that executive order, the war became a one of abolition of slavery. England, which had outlawed the business of slavery long before, was forced into a neutral position. The masses of poor Irish could not align themselves to sympathize for a class of people a rung below them in social stature. Meagher in contrast finally got sold on the solidarity of the oppressed Irish and blacks, harking back to the conclusions reached by Frederick Douglass during his long tour of Ireland in 1845.
Despite the strong tie of his second wife to New York (his first from his Tasmanian stay had died in childbirth in Ireland), Meagher was driven to seek a new life out west. On his way to Montana, a friend in power arranged for him without his knowledge to assume the post of Secretary to the territorial government . When he arrived, the Governor abruptly left him in charge. The concept of establishing a New Ireland as a haven for the urban Irish inspired him, as did the beautiful remote valley of the provisional capital of Virginia City. Unfortunately, some lawless vigilantes had long been in control by terror and murder. Egan makes strong arguments that his untimely death in his mid-40s was a murder.
This book was a pleasure to read due to the way Egan marshals the story of personalities and events with vividness while providing excellent context of the major elements of history of the Irish people in Ireland, Tasmania, New York, and the Civil War. The same writing skills evident here must apply to his National Book Award for his history of Dust Bowl America during the Great Depression, “The Worst Hard Times”.