As someone who has spent the majority of my life living and working in "regular" or "non-military" Okinawa (that is to say, I'm one of the over 95% of people in Okinawa who have no connection to the US military whatsoever), I have a number of issues with this book.
I'll begin with an analogy:
Patpong, Bangkok is home to one of the world's most notorious red light districts. Spend five minutes there, and you'll see hundreds of couples that would fit right into TLC's "90 Day Fiance": overweight, sweaty, middle-aged white men holding tightly onto their companions, skinny teenage asian girls wearing high heels and miniskirts. Some of these "couples" are temporary, some lead to long-distance relationships, and some even lead to an eventual international marriage.
These relationships, if they last, can lead to all sorts of issues. Language, culture, social class. The man might be called a predator or loser, the woman might be called a gold-digger or visa hunter. Their multi-racial kids then grow up with identity issues and complex home-life issues.
Now imagine that the entirety of Thailand, except for the aforementioned Patpong, is somehow sucked into a black hole. Thus, the only stories that come out of this black hole to reach the English speaking world are of go-go bars, prostitutes, international marriages, and multi-racial children growing up in dysfunctional families. Imagine then, that the narrators of these stories claim to speak for the entirety of Thailand. They speak of what it means to be "Thai", they tell dramatic stories about the "Thai experience", and then they offer these narratives to a largely ignorant public who has never heard about Thailand about what it really means to have a "Thai-American identity."
Wouldn't this be silly and eye-roll inducing? No one can deny the lived experiences of these people, but their experiences can hardly be called representative. What about the accountants, the doctors and nurses, the engineers, the businessmen, the teachers? Instead of seedy clubs and brothels, what about the regular suburbs, the parks, the temples and waterfalls?
This leads me to the main issue I have with this book. There is no shortage of stories like Elizabeth Brina's. Anywhere there are US military bases, not just in Okinawa, but in the Philippines, in Guam, in Korea, you'll find similar stories about marriages between military-related American men and their Asian girlfriends or wives. Stories of abuse, domestic violence, rape, deadbeat dads who leave behind pregnant girlfriends. Stories of mixed-race children who grow up with issues, and a history that's affected by imperialism, colonialism, or discrimination that the rest of the world doesn't care or even know about. And if that's the real story she wants to tell, then I have no problem with it.
However, at many points Brina deviates from her own personal story, and this is where her book falters. By placing herself in the shoes of imagined Okinawans from different time periods, by speaking for all Okinawans while saying "we" this and "we" that, by copying whole passages from existing english-language books on Okinawa such as George Kerr's "Okinawa: The History of an Island People" while inserting herself as an imagined observer to historical events, and finally by inserting calls to advocacy about issues such as the Okinawan independence movement and the Henoko base issue, she ironically turns her anti-oppression message into an oppressive one.
To put it simply, what is this book trying to be, and who is it trying to reach?
- If the book is meant to educate and inform about Okinawa generally, then Brina needs to develop a more thorough understanding of Okinawan history and culture. I mean, why should the average reader learn about Okinawan history and culture from someone who doesn't speak the language, has never lived in Okinawa, and makes simple factual and historical errors in her writing? For example, in one section she says that Hogen is the same as Uchināguchi, which is a dialect of Okinawa. This is wrong, Hogen is the catch-all phrase for all indigenous languages among all the islands, while Uchināguchi is the language of the main island. In any case, as her family is from Miyako, they wouldn't speak Uchināguchi in the first place.
Her section about the Ryukyuan missions to China was also almost entirely factually incorrect. She depicts Ryukyu as an agrarian hunter-gatherer society until China invaded and colonized them, taught them to build castles and weapons, and forced them to swear subservience. This is laughably wrong in every respect. First, Ryukyu didn't establish tributary relations with China until the Sanzan period, when Ryukyu was already well into its medieval period. Second, the Ryukyuan government had almost nothing to do with China even after relations were established. Often years would go by with no contact from either side. Third, the trading missions were initiated from the Ryukyuan government, who profited enormously from access to China's products and markets. The Ming and Qing governments actually lost money from the tributary system, not the other way around.
- If the book is about advocacy about the bases, independence, or Okinawa's relationship with the US more generally, then Brina needs to be careful not to misrepresent the voices of actual Okinawan people. While the vast majority of Okinawans agree that the Henoko base should not be built, that other parts of Japan should take on a more equitable role in sharing the burden, or that the US presence in general should be reduced, independence is an extremely fringe movement with less than 5% public support. Rather than nebulous slogans like "Free Okinawa", if Brina really wanted to draw attention to actionable issues her time would be better spent writing about specific proposals such as access to PFOS contaminant testing or other environmental issues, enforcing restrictions on low-altitude flight drills, or revising SOFA status rules.
The larger problem with focusing on advocacy is that, once again, the reader's context of Okinawa is again narrowed into a tunnel. This relates to my conclusion:
After reading Brina's book, one's impression of Okinawa is of a subjugated colony, a pawn subject to the shifting tides of international politics, and a place haunted by ghosts, poverty, alcoholism. Neon lights, "girlie" bars, unhappy marriages between American military men and uneducated Okinawan girls who are desperate for a better life, the noble protests of a peaceful and oppressed people against the uncaring boots of imperialism and western chauvinism. While this impression might have been arguably true around 50 years ago, it's pretty offensive to, you know, the actual people in Okinawa. It claims to speak for the majority of people here, myself included, who are just living our normal lives as doctors, engineers, teachers, and office workers. The people who have no connection to the bases, or the people who find them annoying but bearable, or the people who are pretty indifferent either way. The women who go on business trips and the girls who study at universities in Tokyo and Taipei and Hong Kong instead of thinking about "meeting a rich American" as a waitress. Brina's voice might be well-meaning, but at many times, it comes across as arrogantly as the foreign powers she criticizes in her book.
Brina asks Okinawa to speak, but it might be better if she tried to listen instead.