What do you think?
Rate this book
Contemporary Asia in the World
Line of Advantage: Japan’s Grand Strategy in the Era of Abe Shinzō
No other country has devised a grand strategy for managing China’s rising economic and military power as deliberately or successfully as Japan. Seeking to counter Chinese ambitions toward regional hegemony, Japan has taken an increasingly assertive role in East Asia and the world. During the tenure of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, the country pursued closer security cooperation with the United States and other democracies, established a more centralized national defense system, and advanced rules and norms to preserve the open regional order in the Indo-Pacific that is crucial to its prosperity and survival―all while managing an important economic relationship with China.
In Line of Advantage , Michael J. Green provides a groundbreaking and comprehensive account of Japan’s strategic thinking under Abe. He explains the foundational logic and the worldview behind this approach, from key precedents in Japanese history to the specific economic, defense, and diplomatic priorities shaping contemporary policy toward China, the United States, the two Koreas, and the Indo-Pacific region. Drawing on two decades of access to Abe and other Japanese political, military, and business leaders, Green provides an insider’s perspective on subjects such as how Japan pursued competition with China without losing the benefits of economic cooperation. Assessing the strengths and weaknesses of Japan’s new active role, Line of Advantage sheds new light on a period with profound implications for the future of U.S. competition with China and international affairs in Asia more broadly.
In Line of Advantage , Michael J. Green provides a groundbreaking and comprehensive account of Japan’s strategic thinking under Abe. He explains the foundational logic and the worldview behind this approach, from key precedents in Japanese history to the specific economic, defense, and diplomatic priorities shaping contemporary policy toward China, the United States, the two Koreas, and the Indo-Pacific region. Drawing on two decades of access to Abe and other Japanese political, military, and business leaders, Green provides an insider’s perspective on subjects such as how Japan pursued competition with China without losing the benefits of economic cooperation. Assessing the strengths and weaknesses of Japan’s new active role, Line of Advantage sheds new light on a period with profound implications for the future of U.S. competition with China and international affairs in Asia more broadly.
328 pages, Paperback
Published March 22, 2022
19 people are currently reading
229 people want to read
About the author
Michael J. Green
26 books17 followersLibrarian Note:
There is more than one author in the Goodreads database with this name.
Michael Green is the Japan Chair and a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), as well as an associate professor of international relations at Georgetown University. He served as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asian affairs at the National Security Council (NSC) from January 2004 to December 2005. He joined the NSC in April 2001 as director of Asian affairs with responsibility for Japan, Korea, and Australia/New Zealand. From 1997 to 2000, he was senior fellow for Asian security at the Council on Foreign Relations, where he directed the Independent Task Force on Korea and study groups on Japan and security policy in Asia. He served as senior adviser to the Office of Asia Pacific Affairs at the Department of Defense in 1997 and as consultant to the same office until 2000.
From 1995 to 1997, he was a research staff member at the Institute for Defense Analyses, and from 1994 to 1995, he was an assistant professor of Asian studies at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), where he remained a professorial lecturer until 2001. At SAIS, he was also associate executive director of the Foreign Policy Institute (1992–1994) and acting director of the Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies (1999–2000).
Dr. Green speaks fluent Japanese and spent over five years in Japan working as a staff member of the Diet of Japan, as a journalist for Japanese and American newspapers, and as a consultant for U.S. business. His major publications include Japan's Reluctant Realism (Palgrave/St. Martin's, 2001), The U.S.-Japan Alliance (Council on Foreign Relations, 1999), and Arming Japan (Columbia University Press, 1995).
Dr. Green graduated from Kenyon College with highest honors in history in 1983 and received his M.A. from Johns Hopkins SAIS in 1987 and his Ph.D. in 1994. He also did graduate work at Tokyo University as a Fulbright fellow and with the Massachusetts Institute of Technology as a research associate of the MIT-Japan Program. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Institute for International Security Studies.
Dr. Green is also an avid bagpipe player.
There is more than one author in the Goodreads database with this name.
Michael Green is the Japan Chair and a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), as well as an associate professor of international relations at Georgetown University. He served as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asian affairs at the National Security Council (NSC) from January 2004 to December 2005. He joined the NSC in April 2001 as director of Asian affairs with responsibility for Japan, Korea, and Australia/New Zealand. From 1997 to 2000, he was senior fellow for Asian security at the Council on Foreign Relations, where he directed the Independent Task Force on Korea and study groups on Japan and security policy in Asia. He served as senior adviser to the Office of Asia Pacific Affairs at the Department of Defense in 1997 and as consultant to the same office until 2000.
From 1995 to 1997, he was a research staff member at the Institute for Defense Analyses, and from 1994 to 1995, he was an assistant professor of Asian studies at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), where he remained a professorial lecturer until 2001. At SAIS, he was also associate executive director of the Foreign Policy Institute (1992–1994) and acting director of the Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies (1999–2000).
Dr. Green speaks fluent Japanese and spent over five years in Japan working as a staff member of the Diet of Japan, as a journalist for Japanese and American newspapers, and as a consultant for U.S. business. His major publications include Japan's Reluctant Realism (Palgrave/St. Martin's, 2001), The U.S.-Japan Alliance (Council on Foreign Relations, 1999), and Arming Japan (Columbia University Press, 1995).
Dr. Green graduated from Kenyon College with highest honors in history in 1983 and received his M.A. from Johns Hopkins SAIS in 1987 and his Ph.D. in 1994. He also did graduate work at Tokyo University as a Fulbright fellow and with the Massachusetts Institute of Technology as a research associate of the MIT-Japan Program. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Institute for International Security Studies.
Dr. Green is also an avid bagpipe player.
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
August 18, 2022
非常清楚地說明了安倍設定的日本戰略路線，而且從歷史講到今天，並把周邊的中國、美國、印太、韓國都說明清楚。
因為在這個大戰略中，臺灣比較敏感，臺灣小，且國際定位不明，所以安倍採取歷史情感連結，非官方的友善策略。附錄的賴怡忠老師清楚提到這點，也補充了為什麼日本知識學界很難討論臺灣，因為臺灣是在明治維新時期取得的，如果討論得不小心，有可能會顛覆明治時期的功過，而對戰後日本來說，這是很危險的。
https://www.thenewslens.com/article/1...
問：安倍晉三的國際關係規劃中，對臺灣的設定是什麼？
這剛好是作者本書中沒有提到的，而八旗在編輯的時候，特別找了四位專家寫了四篇文章放在附錄，以增加跟臺灣讀者的聯繫。
這也是作為一個臺灣讀者，在讀這本書的時候，最有趣的思考作業：「你認為，安倍是怎麼思考臺灣的？」「又，臺灣自己，應該有怎樣的大戰略？」
首先是，安倍究竟怎麼思考臺灣。安倍的路線是：1. 美日同盟 2. 積極協調與領導國際多邊組織 3. 拒絕中國與韓國無止盡的情感勒索，並希望他們加入以規則為準的國際合作。這三點，就是為了保護日本的利益線，也就是英文版書名 Line of Advantage。
這條利益線，是海上運輸之線、是貿易之線，也就是自由且開放的印太 FOIP: Free and Open Indo-Pacific，這個由日本創造、美國沿用的詞彙。臺灣則是這個利益線上，最可能爆發戰爭或者被中國滲透而斷掉的位置，也是最脆弱的一環。
根據以上，就能解釋安倍的對台策略。
為了避免激怒中國，所以官方交流的形式進展不多。但實際上，卻有很多非官方的、人道的、民間角度的、情感的互助。像是送疫苗、私人拜訪、親自寫字支持臺灣、帶頭吃鳳梨等，讓臺灣人新增一個國際友好的選項。最重要的，是藉由擴大解釋美日安保，「臺灣有事就是日本有事」，以中共若侵略臺灣一定會觸發日美聯合防禦的宣示，嚇阻中共的侵略行為。
📚《安倍晉三大戰略》：認識近十年的日本國家戰略
https://i-chentsai.innovarad.tw/2022/...
因為在這個大戰略中，臺灣比較敏感，臺灣小，且國際定位不明，所以安倍採取歷史情感連結，非官方的友善策略。附錄的賴怡忠老師清楚提到這點，也補充了為什麼日本知識學界很難討論臺灣，因為臺灣是在明治維新時期取得的，如果討論得不小心，有可能會顛覆明治時期的功過，而對戰後日本來說，這是很危險的。
https://www.thenewslens.com/article/1...
問：安倍晉三的國際關係規劃中，對臺灣的設定是什麼？
這剛好是作者本書中沒有提到的，而八旗在編輯的時候，特別找了四位專家寫了四篇文章放在附錄，以增加跟臺灣讀者的聯繫。
這也是作為一個臺灣讀者，在讀這本書的時候，最有趣的思考作業：「你認為，安倍是怎麼思考臺灣的？」「又，臺灣自己，應該有怎樣的大戰略？」
首先是，安倍究竟怎麼思考臺灣。安倍的路線是：1. 美日同盟 2. 積極協調與領導國際多邊組織 3. 拒絕中國與韓國無止盡的情感勒索，並希望他們加入以規則為準的國際合作。這三點，就是為了保護日本的利益線，也就是英文版書名 Line of Advantage。
這條利益線，是海上運輸之線、是貿易之線，也就是自由且開放的印太 FOIP: Free and Open Indo-Pacific，這個由日本創造、美國沿用的詞彙。臺灣則是這個利益線上，最可能爆發戰爭或者被中國滲透而斷掉的位置，也是最脆弱的一環。
根據以上，就能解釋安倍的對台策略。
為了避免激怒中國，所以官方交流的形式進展不多。但實際上，卻有很多非官方的、人道的、民間角度的、情感的互助。像是送疫苗、私人拜訪、親自寫字支持臺灣、帶頭吃鳳梨等，讓臺灣人新增一個國際友好的選項。最重要的，是藉由擴大解釋美日安保，「臺灣有事就是日本有事」，以中共若侵略臺灣一定會觸發日美聯合防禦的宣示，嚇阻中共的侵略行為。
📚《安倍晉三大戰略》：認識近十年的日本國家戰略
https://i-chentsai.innovarad.tw/2022/...
January 31, 2022
Line of Advantage provides a timely analysis of the tenure of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and Japan’s increasingly assertive role in responding to a rising China. It gives an overview of Abe’s political history, his national security legislation and Japan’s diplomatic relationships. The title of this book comes from Meiji Leader Yamagata Aritomo, who observed that Japan had to think beyond its immediate territory to “consider where to draw the line of advantage (riekesen) to shape the external environment and prevent a rival power from controlling critical access points to Japan.” This expanded interpretation of its defence region is key for understanding the recent changes in Japan’s military capabilities.
The main argument of this book is that Abe has transformed Japan’s multi-tiered grand strategy for a generation. The Abe era marked an end for the Yoshida Doctrine, a post-war strategy of focusing on the economy while relying on the security alliance with the United States. Green summarises several non-military instruments of national power and discusses how these have changed in response to shifting security-minded national goals. The book closes with a careful examination of Japan’s internal and external balancing strategies to improve their position in relation to China.
Each section provides a brief historical background, some chapters referring to the geography and ancient history of Japan, while other chapters outline Japan’s emergence from isolation into a world of imperial colonialism. Much of Japan’s history is viewed through the lens of maritime power, ranging from its connections with the British Royal Navy, its seapower-oriented policies and of course the ongoing issues with island territory disputes. If you’ve read Lambert’s Seapower States, you’ll be surprised to see so much focus on Japan as a maritime power, which “began emerging as early as the seventeenth century.” The author describes this as an “intellectual lineage” which shapes Abe’s approach to the FOIP, the QUAD and the U.S.- Japan alliance. This thread continues through each chapter. For example, the author refers to the 1965 writings of scholar Kosaka Masataka which argued that Japan relies on its seas for commerce and security and “therefore needed the U.S.-Japan alliance, but that the oceans could also be the source of Japan’s independent identity and purpose as a leader in trade, investment, science and the expansion of international law.” Japan as a maritime state has achieved economic growth through the “Stable and Open Seas” or in supporting a rule of law which promotes the freedom of movement. Readers might want to brace themselves for more information about sea-lanes than perhaps they were expecting.
I recently read Japan 1941 by Eri Hotta and while I loved it, Line of Advantage answered a lot unanswered questions that remained from Japan 1941 . For example, it described why there was such a cultural difference between those who served in the Imperial Japanese Navy and the Imperial Japanese Army. The book also outlines recent security and political developments while touching on WWII legacy issues such as visits to Yasukuni Shrine and regional distrust and troubled diplomatic relations rooted in historical disputes. It is this context which allows us to understand Japan’s evolving and increasingly proactive security policy. These changes included the introduction of bills re-interpret the constitution in favour of collective self-defense and to expand the Self-Defense Forces’ capacity for operations.
When discussing concepts such as grand strategy and the balancing of power, the author relies heavily on the writings of “the original ancient Greek realist” Thucydides. He observed that smaller states aligned with more powerful states face being brought into conflicts they otherwise would have avoided. Seek too much independence however, and they risk being abandoned by the larger power when they face a threat. This “Thucydidean dilemma” is referred to throughout the book, particularly when referencing Japan’s relationship with the United States.
There is much here on the US-Japan relationship and while I knew the basic key points of their histories, it was surprising to read how some Japanese politicians have carefully avoided uncomfortable and politically unpopular conversations about Japan’s military aims and funding by deferring to their relationship with the US military. I had not previously considered that there may be domestic political advantages to keeping the US military presence in Japan. The author gently admonishes US policy makers and politicians for their weak knowledge about Japan and for failing to understand how their decisions or statements have unconsciously played into narratives about who has legitimate claim to territory. I found these sections really challenged previous assumptions I had which frankly were mainly based on opinion articles and tweets about Abe’s security legislation. Green described how “a generation of American foreign policy leaders with primary experience in Europe or the Middle East are still conditioned to view Japan as an adjunct to U.S. strategy rather than an increasingly successful thought leader in its own right.” He provides numerous examples about how the U.S. and other countries, such as Australia, could learn from Japan’s deliberate and successful plan for enhancing stability and freedom of navigation while also preserving economic relationships. It was great to read about long-term policy activity from outside the U.S. for its alternative insights and subtle methods.
Line of Advantage is a splendid book for developing an understanding of Japan’s changing grand strategy and its development across the political spectrum. Although the author refers to specific terms mainly used in foreign policy and diplomacy circles, everything is neatly defined. Green draws on English and Japanese language sources from military historians, international political scholars and cultural experts to describe not only what has happened but why those things happened and how they were perceived. I strongly recommend this book for anyone interested in international studies, foreign policy, economics or security issues. Japan is attempting to delicately shape the environment around China by strengthening and diversifying its other relationships in the region, “…but for the first time over a century, Japan’s strategy toward China is now animated by Chinese power rather than Chinese weakness.”
This book was provided by Columbia University Press for review.
The main argument of this book is that Abe has transformed Japan’s multi-tiered grand strategy for a generation. The Abe era marked an end for the Yoshida Doctrine, a post-war strategy of focusing on the economy while relying on the security alliance with the United States. Green summarises several non-military instruments of national power and discusses how these have changed in response to shifting security-minded national goals. The book closes with a careful examination of Japan’s internal and external balancing strategies to improve their position in relation to China.
Each section provides a brief historical background, some chapters referring to the geography and ancient history of Japan, while other chapters outline Japan’s emergence from isolation into a world of imperial colonialism. Much of Japan’s history is viewed through the lens of maritime power, ranging from its connections with the British Royal Navy, its seapower-oriented policies and of course the ongoing issues with island territory disputes. If you’ve read Lambert’s Seapower States, you’ll be surprised to see so much focus on Japan as a maritime power, which “began emerging as early as the seventeenth century.” The author describes this as an “intellectual lineage” which shapes Abe’s approach to the FOIP, the QUAD and the U.S.- Japan alliance. This thread continues through each chapter. For example, the author refers to the 1965 writings of scholar Kosaka Masataka which argued that Japan relies on its seas for commerce and security and “therefore needed the U.S.-Japan alliance, but that the oceans could also be the source of Japan’s independent identity and purpose as a leader in trade, investment, science and the expansion of international law.” Japan as a maritime state has achieved economic growth through the “Stable and Open Seas” or in supporting a rule of law which promotes the freedom of movement. Readers might want to brace themselves for more information about sea-lanes than perhaps they were expecting.
I recently read Japan 1941 by Eri Hotta and while I loved it, Line of Advantage answered a lot unanswered questions that remained from Japan 1941 . For example, it described why there was such a cultural difference between those who served in the Imperial Japanese Navy and the Imperial Japanese Army. The book also outlines recent security and political developments while touching on WWII legacy issues such as visits to Yasukuni Shrine and regional distrust and troubled diplomatic relations rooted in historical disputes. It is this context which allows us to understand Japan’s evolving and increasingly proactive security policy. These changes included the introduction of bills re-interpret the constitution in favour of collective self-defense and to expand the Self-Defense Forces’ capacity for operations.
When discussing concepts such as grand strategy and the balancing of power, the author relies heavily on the writings of “the original ancient Greek realist” Thucydides. He observed that smaller states aligned with more powerful states face being brought into conflicts they otherwise would have avoided. Seek too much independence however, and they risk being abandoned by the larger power when they face a threat. This “Thucydidean dilemma” is referred to throughout the book, particularly when referencing Japan’s relationship with the United States.
There is much here on the US-Japan relationship and while I knew the basic key points of their histories, it was surprising to read how some Japanese politicians have carefully avoided uncomfortable and politically unpopular conversations about Japan’s military aims and funding by deferring to their relationship with the US military. I had not previously considered that there may be domestic political advantages to keeping the US military presence in Japan. The author gently admonishes US policy makers and politicians for their weak knowledge about Japan and for failing to understand how their decisions or statements have unconsciously played into narratives about who has legitimate claim to territory. I found these sections really challenged previous assumptions I had which frankly were mainly based on opinion articles and tweets about Abe’s security legislation. Green described how “a generation of American foreign policy leaders with primary experience in Europe or the Middle East are still conditioned to view Japan as an adjunct to U.S. strategy rather than an increasingly successful thought leader in its own right.” He provides numerous examples about how the U.S. and other countries, such as Australia, could learn from Japan’s deliberate and successful plan for enhancing stability and freedom of navigation while also preserving economic relationships. It was great to read about long-term policy activity from outside the U.S. for its alternative insights and subtle methods.
Line of Advantage is a splendid book for developing an understanding of Japan’s changing grand strategy and its development across the political spectrum. Although the author refers to specific terms mainly used in foreign policy and diplomacy circles, everything is neatly defined. Green draws on English and Japanese language sources from military historians, international political scholars and cultural experts to describe not only what has happened but why those things happened and how they were perceived. I strongly recommend this book for anyone interested in international studies, foreign policy, economics or security issues. Japan is attempting to delicately shape the environment around China by strengthening and diversifying its other relationships in the region, “…but for the first time over a century, Japan’s strategy toward China is now animated by Chinese power rather than Chinese weakness.”
This book was provided by Columbia University Press for review.
February 25, 2025
A great dive into Japan's foreign policy under Abe and how public opinion shifted regarding pacifism. Also a good introduction into grand strategy. Overall a great book for people interested in politics, strategy or Japan ( best enjoyed, when all three are of interest).
May 25, 2022
This is an excellent book for people interested in foreign policy or competition with China. There’s a fair bit of Japanese history in here, but Green (a Japan expert at CSIS and a serious Asia policy wonk) focuses on how former prime minister Shinzo Abe has transformed Japanese grand strategy to shape the environment around China by reinforcing the ability of the rest of the Indo-Pacific to resist expansionism by Beijing. Green argues that Japan’s most important answer to the challenge posed by China is the US-Japan alliance, and Abe helped formulate US policy to adopt the Quad. According to Green, “there is no doubt that, of America’s allies, Japan has emerged as the most important thought leader on China strategy.”
February 8, 2022
Associate Professor and Policy Analyst Michael Green tells the story of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan and his expansionist policy politically, militarily, and economically. No greater example of this is the JS Izumo and JS Kaga helicopter carrier capable of launching F-35 fighters. Will this new experiment survive the domestic challenge post-Prime Minister Abe only time will tell.
November 16, 2021
A particularly interesting book that gives a good look at Japan, its position in the world, and the rule of Shinzo Abe, which determines the development of the country for a long time to come. I recommend!
Thanks for pre-accessing this reading.
Thanks for pre-accessing this reading.
April 21, 2025
這本書是我在日本前首相安倍晉三遇刺前買的，本來因為安倍首相卸任後，對於他所留下來的戰略有一些興趣，想要了解整個來龍去脈，沒想到在今年7月時發生了震驚全球的暗殺事件，讓我開始閱讀此書。
本書作者是美國著名的亞太區戰略學者麥可．葛林(Michael Green)，他也是白宮的政策幕僚，在民主黨執政時期經常為美國政府提供政策建議，他曾經針對美日中三邊關係從20多年前就開始出書研究，每一本書都針對該時期做出精闢的分析與見解，這本書是他今年初才出版，在安倍前首相卸任後，對美日中的關係再做一次分析與整理。
這本書的時間跨度很長，從日本明治維新開始說起，直到二次大戰結束的「吉田主義」，以及安倍前首相上任後打破「吉田主義」的日本再維新，清楚且明確的分析每個階段日本的外交政策與國民意識。
日本在經歷了長達兩百多年的鎖國政策後，被美國的「黑船事件」撬開了日本國的大門，也直接導致了幕府制度垮台與明治維新，正式走向現代化。在明治天皇的勵精圖治之下，19世紀末的日本一躍成為了世界列強，尤其是在對中甲午戰爭以及對俄的日俄戰爭都取得勝利，讓世界各國無不對日本刮目相看。此時的日本分成海軍與陸軍，作者特別做出這樣的區分是為了指出日本的戰略在這邊出現分歧，一個是強調與各國互通貿易，維護海上權益的海上戰略；另外一個則是強調佔領擁有戰略資源的領土，以便補足日本天生缺乏資源的短處，進而擴張日本。這兩種方向在大正年間雙方都在互相角力，直到226兵變後軍國主義抬頭，讓後者佔據主導權，也讓日本走向戰敗的不歸路。
二戰後的日本身為戰敗國，接受了GHQ的接管，除了幫助日本重建經濟，也制定了日本的新憲法，其中最重要的莫過於憲法第九條：
「日本國民衷心謀求基於正義與秩序的國際和平，永遠放棄以國權發動戰爭、武力威脅或武力行使，作為解決國際爭端的手段。為達到前項目的，不保持陸海空軍及其他戰爭力量，不承認國家的交戰權」
這個憲法第九條成為了日本後續內閣的準則，接任首相的吉田茂恪守這項憲法，選擇與美國建立緊密的同盟合作，並且主動裁軍，專心致力恢復經濟，也讓日本快速的從戰後百廢待舉到之後的經濟奇蹟。
吉田茂首相卸任之後，「吉田主義」的方針也大多讓之後的內閣延續，大多數的日本民眾由於厭惡戰爭，加上二戰中對其他國家的虧欠與享受經濟紅利，對於「吉田主義」大多持正面看法，成為了日本主流派思想，這段期間曾有幾位首相想要打破「吉田主義」框架，發展自衛隊權限，例如安倍晉三的祖父前首相：岸信夫，與美國簽訂了美日安保條約，激怒了日本民眾，甚至還遭到民眾攻擊，也讓之後的政府只能繼續走在「吉田主義」的道路上。
然而想讓日本走向正常化國家的聲音從來都沒有消失，在2012年後習近平上台後，中國一改常態開此在亞太區域製造麻煩，包括私自劃分九段海岸線，在南海島礁上建在軍事基地，派遣民兵船隻闖入尖閣群島(釣魚台群島)，再再都挑戰日本主權，這些行為也讓「吉田主義」逐漸式微，取而代之的是「安倍主義」。
安倍晉三第二任首相上台後，面臨了中國的威脅擴張，深知要對抗中國，只能藉由保住海上利益，與太平洋各國建立良好的同盟關係，迫使中國遵守遊戲規則。在這個前提之下，安倍晉三首先提出「印太戰略」，拉攏了澳洲、印度、加拿大等國，在貿易上則是積極推動「跨太平洋夥伴關係」（TPP），企圖在太平洋上建立一個聯合的貿易區域。此外當時正值川普總統宣布退出亞太，安倍適時的填補美國的空缺，企圖接手亞太的領導地位，以便等待美國的再加入，事實上之後接手民主黨拜登政府也完全遵循安倍的「印太戰略」，以便對抗中俄等專制大國的威脅。
本書雖然沒有著墨日本對台的關係，不過從這幾年日本政府的舉動不難發現，日本的「印太戰略」中台灣的地位缺一不可，台灣作為最靠近中國的第一島鏈國家，是最容易受到中國衝擊的最前線。2015年安倍晉三利用執政聯盟的人數優勢，通過了安保法案，繞過了憲法第九條，擴大了自衛隊的權限，當與日本有利害關係的他國遭受攻擊時，日本自衛隊有權發動還擊，目前這個「他國」包含台灣，這也顯示了日本對台灣關係的重視。
安倍晉三前首相在今年七月意外在街頭演講時遭到暗殺，舉世震驚，我曾經聽過一名日本專家說，安倍也許早就清楚自己會有這麼一天，特別是他的重返國際，讓日本國家正常化，都是違反了「吉田主義」的方針，讓很多人認為他要將日本帶回軍國主義，不過安倍自己很清楚他的作為，只是在尋求日本的最大利益，避免遭受專制極權國家的擴張挑釁。
到安倍卸任為止最讓他失望的應該就是憲法第九條修正案，沒有完成他祖父的願望對他來說應該是最大的遺憾，不過接續的自民黨政府延續的戰略方向基本上沒有脫離「安倍主義」，新一屆的眾議院大選安倍所屬的自民黨也大獲全勝，議會民額也到達修憲門檻，修憲也只是一念之間，未來日本的戰略仍舊會按照安倍晉三的方針走，不會因為他的逝世而中斷，回首觀看安倍的一生，實在是一位令人敬佩的政治家！
本書作者是美國著名的亞太區戰略學者麥可．葛林(Michael Green)，他也是白宮的政策幕僚，在民主黨執政時期經常為美國政府提供政策建議，他曾經針對美日中三邊關係從20多年前就開始出書研究，每一本書都針對該時期做出精闢的分析與見解，這本書是他今年初才出版，在安倍前首相卸任後，對美日中的關係再做一次分析與整理。
這本書的時間跨度很長，從日本明治維新開始說起，直到二次大戰結束的「吉田主義」，以及安倍前首相上任後打破「吉田主義」的日本再維新，清楚且明確的分析每個階段日本的外交政策與國民意識。
日本在經歷了長達兩百多年的鎖國政策後，被美國的「黑船事件」撬開了日本國的大門，也直接導致了幕府制度垮台與明治維新，正式走向現代化。在明治天皇的勵精圖治之下，19世紀末的日本一躍成為了世界列強，尤其是在對中甲午戰爭以及對俄的日俄戰爭都取得勝利，讓世界各國無不對日本刮目相看。此時的日本分成海軍與陸軍，作者特別做出這樣的區分是為了指出日本的戰略在這邊出現分歧，一個是強調與各國互通貿易，維護海上權益的海上戰略；另外一個則是強調佔領擁有戰略資源的領土，以便補足日本天生缺乏資源的短處，進而擴張日本。這兩種方向在大正年間雙方都在互相角力，直到226兵變後軍國主義抬頭，讓後者佔據主導權，也讓日本走向戰敗的不歸路。
二戰後的日本身為戰敗國，接受了GHQ的接管，除了幫助日本重建經濟，也制定了日本的新憲法，其中最重要的莫過於憲法第九條：
「日本國民衷心謀求基於正義與秩序的國際和平，永遠放棄以國權發動戰爭、武力威脅或武力行使，作為解決國際爭端的手段。為達到前項目的，不保持陸海空軍及其他戰爭力量，不承認國家的交戰權」
這個憲法第九條成為了日本後續內閣的準則，接任首相的吉田茂恪守這項憲法，選擇與美國建立緊密的同盟合作，並且主動裁軍，專心致力恢復經濟，也讓日本快速的從戰後百廢待舉到之後的經濟奇蹟。
吉田茂首相卸任之後，「吉田主義」的方針也大多讓之後的內閣延續，大多數的日本民眾由於厭惡戰爭，加上二戰中對其他國家的虧欠與享受經濟紅利，對於「吉田主義」大多持正面看法，成為了日本主流派思想，這段期間曾有幾位首相想要打破「吉田主義」框架，發展自衛隊權限，例如安倍晉三的祖父前首相：岸信夫，與美國簽訂了美日安保條約，激怒了日本民眾，甚至還遭到民眾攻擊，也讓之後的政府只能繼續走在「吉田主義」的道路上。
然而想讓日本走向正常化國家的聲音從來都沒有消失，在2012年後習近平上台後，中國一改常態開此在亞太區域製造麻煩，包括私自劃分九段海岸線，在南海島礁上建在軍事基地，派遣民兵船隻闖入尖閣群島(釣魚台群島)，再再都挑戰日本主權，這些行為也讓「吉田主義」逐漸式微，取而代之的是「安倍主義」。
安倍晉三第二任首相上台後，面臨了中國的威脅擴張，深知要對抗中國，只能藉由保住海上利益，與太平洋各國建立良好的同盟關係，迫使中國遵守遊戲規則。在這個前提之下，安倍晉三首先提出「印太戰略」，拉攏了澳洲、印度、加拿大等國，在貿易上則是積極推動「跨太平洋夥伴關係」（TPP），企圖在太平洋上建立一個聯合的貿易區域。此外當時正值川普總統宣布退出亞太，安倍適時的填補美國的空缺，企圖接手亞太的領導地位，以便等待美國的再加入，事實上之後接手民主黨拜登政府也完全遵循安倍的「印太戰略」，以便對抗中俄等專制大國的威脅。
本書雖然沒有著墨日本對台的關係，不過從這幾年日本政府的舉動不難發現，日本的「印太戰略」中台灣的地位缺一不可，台灣作為最靠近中國的第一島鏈國家，是最容易受到中國衝擊的最前線。2015年安倍晉三利用執政聯盟的人數優勢，通過了安保法案，繞過了憲法第九條，擴大了自衛隊的權限，當與日本有利害關係的他國遭受攻擊時，日本自衛隊有權發動還擊，目前這個「他國」包含台灣，這也顯示了日本對台灣關係的重視。
安倍晉三前首相在今年七月意外在街頭演講時遭到暗殺，舉世震驚，我曾經聽過一名日本專家說，安倍也許早就清楚自己會有這麼一天，特別是他的重返國際，讓日本國家正常化，都是違反了「吉田主義」的方針，讓很多人認為他要將日本帶回軍國主義，不過安倍自己很清楚他的作為，只是在尋求日本的最大利益，避免遭受專制極權國家的擴張挑釁。
到安倍卸任為止最讓他失望的應該就是憲法第九條修正案，沒有完成他祖父的願望對他來說應該是最大的遺憾，不過接續的自民黨政府延續的戰略方向基本上沒有脫離「安倍主義」，新一屆的眾議院大選安倍所屬的自民黨也大獲全勝，議會民額也到達修憲門檻，修憲也只是一念之間，未來日本的戰略仍舊會按照安倍晉三的方針走，不會因為他的逝世而中斷，回首觀看安倍的一生，實在是一位令人敬佩的政治家！
October 12, 2022
Very interesting
“there is no doubt that, of America’s allies, Japan has emerged as the most important thought leader on China strategy.”
Whether this quote from the book is correct or not, it is certainly the case that Japan is key ally of the United States when it comes to confronting China. Partly of course for geographic reasons (including a newfound willingness to assist Taiwan if attacked), but also because Japan, possibly together with Korea and Vietnam, has a much greater understanding of China than any European power will have. For this reason alone, this book is worth reading. As it happens there are other reasons to read it as well.
“there is no doubt that, of America’s allies, Japan has emerged as the most important thought leader on China strategy.”
Whether this quote from the book is correct or not, it is certainly the case that Japan is key ally of the United States when it comes to confronting China. Partly of course for geographic reasons (including a newfound willingness to assist Taiwan if attacked), but also because Japan, possibly together with Korea and Vietnam, has a much greater understanding of China than any European power will have. For this reason alone, this book is worth reading. As it happens there are other reasons to read it as well.
February 18, 2023
This book is very accessible, and provides a very detailed outline of Japanese security policy, although I have a few issues with the book. I think the argumentation would be better served with being less descriptive. It points to elements of the Yoshida Doctrine and then says that Shinzo Abe then changed it, without offering any analysis of the motivations or the success beyond a statement that countries want to be more powerful or equally powerful with regards to their neighbours. I think therefore that as a springboard into researching Japanese Foreign Policy it is invaluable, however it doesn't add anything new to the field.
July 16, 2022
Legacy
This was a good and interesting political book on Japan, leadership, and strategy.
Rest in peace Abe.
Good legacy.
Would recommend - timely read.
4.4/5
This was a good and interesting political book on Japan, leadership, and strategy.
Rest in peace Abe.
Good legacy.
Would recommend - timely read.
4.4/5
April 25, 2025
Insightful at times but lacked depth. A long essay would have been sufficient.
October 21, 2023
A thoughtful if brief guide to Japanese foreign policy, with chapters on bilateral and multilateral relationships.
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews