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Exxon Lecture Series
İslam'ın Siyasal Söylemi
Cihat aslında ne demektir? Müslümanların kanun anlayışı nedir? İslam’ın kâfirlere karşı tutumu nedir? Edebi ve tarihi kaynakları ele alan Bernard Lewis İslam’ın siyasal söyleminin gelişiminin, Peygamber’in zamanından günümüze kadar izini sürüyor. Arapça, Türkçe ve Farsça belgeleri inceleyerek İslam’ın siyaset düşüncesi ile Batı siyaset teorisi arasındaki farkları ortaya koyuyor. Bununla birlikte İslam dünyasındaki siyaset algısına, tartışmalarına ve uygulamalarına ışık tutuyor.
Günümüzde İslam’ı siyasal söyleminden ayrı, hatta siyasal söylemi olmaksızın düşünebilmek olanaksız bir hale gelmiştir. Hatta İslam’ın siyaset sahasında ileri sürdüğü konular ve başlıklar bugün, belki de tarihin hiçbir döneminde olmadığı kadar ön planda ve sorgu altındadır.
Yetişme tarzı ve mesleği itibarı ile bir tarihçi ve İslam bilimleri uzmanı olan Bernard Lewis meseleyi gayet ustaca çevreleyen bu kitabında İslam dininin siyasi alan içerisinde geliştirmiş olduğu söylemi inceliyor. Bunu yaparken akademik değil açık, belirgin ve sade bir üslup kullanıyor. Lewis’in alanındaki uzmanlığı ise dipnotlarda anılan yüzlerce eser, makale ve ansiklopedi maddesinde kendisini bir kez daha gösteriyor.
İslam’ın Siyasal Söylemi’nde Lewis, İslam dünyasındaki siyasi yapının unsurlarını sosyolojik, dilbilimsel, etimolojik, siyasal ve tarihsel bir okumaya tabi tutuyor ve bu yapının yüzyıllar içerisinde atılan temellerini ele alıyor. İslam uygarlığının siyaset sahasında geliştirdiği dile ait örnekleri irdeleyerek kökenine dair kaynaklara işaret eden Lewis’in İslam siyasetine ait unsurlar ile Batı siyaset teorisi ve pratiğini kıyaslaması hiç şüphe yok ki bu çalışmayı daha kıymetli hale getiriyor.İslam’ın Siyasal Söylemi İslam siyaset dilinin tarih içerisindeki serencamını kısa ve öz biçimde sunuyor. Bernard Lewis bu kitabında sadece iyi bir tarihçi olduğunu değil, aynı zamanda ele aldığı konuyu ayrıntılara boğmadan aktarabilen mahir bir yazar olduğunu da gösteriyor.
Günümüzde İslam’ı siyasal söyleminden ayrı, hatta siyasal söylemi olmaksızın düşünebilmek olanaksız bir hale gelmiştir. Hatta İslam’ın siyaset sahasında ileri sürdüğü konular ve başlıklar bugün, belki de tarihin hiçbir döneminde olmadığı kadar ön planda ve sorgu altındadır.
Yetişme tarzı ve mesleği itibarı ile bir tarihçi ve İslam bilimleri uzmanı olan Bernard Lewis meseleyi gayet ustaca çevreleyen bu kitabında İslam dininin siyasi alan içerisinde geliştirmiş olduğu söylemi inceliyor. Bunu yaparken akademik değil açık, belirgin ve sade bir üslup kullanıyor. Lewis’in alanındaki uzmanlığı ise dipnotlarda anılan yüzlerce eser, makale ve ansiklopedi maddesinde kendisini bir kez daha gösteriyor.
İslam’ın Siyasal Söylemi’nde Lewis, İslam dünyasındaki siyasi yapının unsurlarını sosyolojik, dilbilimsel, etimolojik, siyasal ve tarihsel bir okumaya tabi tutuyor ve bu yapının yüzyıllar içerisinde atılan temellerini ele alıyor. İslam uygarlığının siyaset sahasında geliştirdiği dile ait örnekleri irdeleyerek kökenine dair kaynaklara işaret eden Lewis’in İslam siyasetine ait unsurlar ile Batı siyaset teorisi ve pratiğini kıyaslaması hiç şüphe yok ki bu çalışmayı daha kıymetli hale getiriyor.İslam’ın Siyasal Söylemi İslam siyaset dilinin tarih içerisindeki serencamını kısa ve öz biçimde sunuyor. Bernard Lewis bu kitabında sadece iyi bir tarihçi olduğunu değil, aynı zamanda ele aldığı konuyu ayrıntılara boğmadan aktarabilen mahir bir yazar olduğunu da gösteriyor.
224 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1988
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About the author
Bernard Lewis
157 books497 followersLibrarian Note: There is more than one author by this name in the Goodreads database.
Bernard Lewis was the Cleveland E. Dodge Professor of Near Eastern Studies Emeritus at Princeton University and the author of many critially acclaimed and bestselling books, including two number one New York Times bestsellers: What Went Wrong? and Crisis of Islam. The Middle East: A Brief History of the Last 2,000 Years was a National Book Critics Circle Award finalist. Internationally recognized as the greatest historian of the Middle East, he received fifteen honorary doctorates and his books have been translated into more than twenty languages.
Bernard Lewis was the Cleveland E. Dodge Professor of Near Eastern Studies Emeritus at Princeton University and the author of many critially acclaimed and bestselling books, including two number one New York Times bestsellers: What Went Wrong? and Crisis of Islam. The Middle East: A Brief History of the Last 2,000 Years was a National Book Critics Circle Award finalist. Internationally recognized as the greatest historian of the Middle East, he received fifteen honorary doctorates and his books have been translated into more than twenty languages.
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Displaying 1 - 16 of 16 reviews
September 4, 2012
كتاب اكاديمي بحت .. مفيد جدا وكمية المعلومات الموجودة فيه رهيبة .. يتعرض للغة السياسية الاسلامية وتطورها في كل مناطق الحضارة الاسلامية ومصادر كل كلمة سواء كانت فارسية او تركية او عربية اصيلة .. اكتر حاجة عجبتني بجانب التقسيم الرائع لفصول الكتاب هي اخر صفحة ونصف منه .. حيث لخص كل التغييرات التي نمر بها الان هي كمحاولة فشلت لاستخدام سحر وعقاقير الحضارة الغربية الاوربية لحل مشاكلنا .. وان الكثير بدأ في التفكير في حل مختلف .. وهو الرجوع الى ماضينا والاحتكام الي شريعتنا كما كنا سابقا .. يزيد الكاتب بقوله ان ايران كانت اول من جرب هذا الحل .. وان هناك العديد من يحاول استحداث حل افضل .. يقول برنارد لويس في اخر صفحة " يحاول الكثيرون لايجاد بديل افضل من اجل العودة الى الاسلام الحقيقي والاصلي والجدير بالثقة ، اسلام الرسول وصحابته" صلى الله على نبينا محمد وعلى الله وصحبه وسلم .
April 3, 2021
Όταν αποφάσισα να το διαβάσω, θεωρούσα ότι αφορούσε γενικά την πολιτική του Ισλάμ, αλλά τελικά είναι κυρίως ένα βιβλίο Γλωσσολογίας του Ισλάμ και πως αυτή επηρεάζει και επηρεάζεται από την πολιτική. Μου έδωσε την εντύπωση ότι είναι πολύ εμπεριστατωμένο, αλλά για μένα δεν ήταν το ζητούμενο, κι σ' αυτό οφείλεται η χαμηλή βαθμολογία.
Σε κάθε περίπτωση, η μετάφραση και η ροή της γλώσσας είναι πολύ καλές!
"Στο κλασικό Ισλάμ δεν υπήρχε διάκριση μεταξύ Εκκλησίας και Κράτους...όπως συμβαίνει καθ' όλη τη διάρκεια της ιστορίας του Χριστιανισμού."
"Στις περισσότερες μουσουλμανικές χώρες το Ισλάμ, παραμένει το ανώτατο κριτήριο συλλογικής ταυτότητας και νομιμοφροσύνης"
"Αυτή η κουλτούρα εκφράστηκε με τρεις γλώσσες, την αραβική, την περσική και την τουρκική...Γλωσσολογικά, αυτές οι τρείς γλώσσες ανήκουν σε διαφορετικές και άσχετες ομάδες. Πολιτισμικά πάντως, είναι πολύ κοντινές, αφού μοιράζονται μια κοινή γραφή."
"Ο ισλαμικός και ο χριστιανικός πολιτισμός ουδέποτε υπήρξαν πολύ απόμακροι ή ξένοι μεταξύ τους, όπως ήταν για παράδειγμα οι αρχαίοι πολιτισμοί της Κίνας και της Ινδίας.... Ο Μουσουλμάνος, όπως ο Χριστιανός, βλέπει τον Θεό να εμπλέκεται στις ανθρώπινες υποθέσεις και να υποβάλλει το λαό του σε μια ποικιλία δοκιμασιών. Όμως, για τον Μουσουλμάνο, η μεγαλύτερη έγνοια του Θεού είναι να βοηθήσει παρά να δοκιμάσει το λαό του, και συγκεκριμένα να βοηθήσει το λαό του να επιτύχει τη νίκη...."
"Τα ανθρώπινα κράτη, σαν τους μεμονωμένους ανθρώπους είναι οργανικά: γεννιούνται, διατρέχουν τις τρεις φάσεις της ανάπτυξης, της ωριμότητας και της παρακμής, και πεθαίνουν. Στα κράτη όπως και στα άτομα, η σχετική επιμήκυνση αυτών των φάσεων μπορεί να διαφέρει αναλόγως της υγείας τους και της δύναμης τους."
"Οι Μουσουλμάνοι φιλόσοφοι της ελληνιστικής σχολής ήταν συγκριτικά μια σχετικά μικρή και ελάσσονος σημασίας ομάδα."
"Η σαρία, ο Ιερός Νόμος του Ισλάμ, περικλείει όλη τη γκάμα των ανθρώπινων δραστηριοτήτων και, επομένως, σχετίζεται φυσικά με την άσκηση της διακυβέρνησης σε όλες τις πλευρές της. Αφού και ο νόμος, κατά τη μουσουλμανική αντίληψη, είναι θεϊκός και αμετακίνητος, το κομμάτι που σχετίζεται με την κυβέρνηση διαθέτει αυτές τις ιδιότητες....Η πρωταρχική λειτουργία της κυβέρνησης είναι να δώσει τη δυνατότητα στον μουσουλμάνο να διάγει μια καλή μουσουλμανική ζωή. Αυτός είναι, σε τελευταία ανάλυση, ο σκοπός του κράτους, για τον οποίο και μόνο ιδρύθηκε το κράτος από τον Θεό."
"Τρείς είναι οι ανισότητες που έχουν καθιερωθεί και ρυθμισθεί δια νόμου και έχουν εξελιχθεί μέσα από αιώνες χρήσης: α) η κατάσταση ανισότητας κυρίου - δούλου, β) ανδρός - γυναικός, και γ) Μουσουλμάνων - μη Μουσουλμάνων. Βεβαίως, αυτές είναι τρία διαφορετικά είδη κατηγοριοποίησης, τα οποία μπορεί να επικαλύπτονται ή να διατέμνονται, και οι πρακτικές επιπτώσεις του ανήκειν στη μίαν ή την άλλη από αυτές τις κατηγορίες διαφέρουν πολύ από εποχή σε εποχή και από χώρο σε χώρο....Νομικά, κοινωνικά και, στις περισσότερες περιπτώσεις, οικονομικά, η ελεύθερη γυναίκα και ο μη μουσουλμάνος βρίσκονταν σε καλύτερη κατάσταση ακόμα και από έναν μουσουλμάνο δούλο, αλλά όχι πολιτικά. Ο μη μουσουλμάνος ήταν αποκλεισμένος από την πολιτεία και από το σύνολο των πολιτών, κανένας τους δεν είχε πολιτικά δικαιώματα."
¨Η βάση της υποχρέωσης του τζιχάντ είναι η παγκοσμιότητα της μουσουλμανικής αποκάλυψης. Ο λόγος του Θεού και το μήνυμα του Θεού είναι προς όλη την ανθρωπότητα, είναι λοιπόν καθήκον όσων τα έχουν δεχθεί να παλέψουν ασταμάτητα για να προσηλυτίσουν ή, τουλάχιστον να υποδουλώσουν εκείνους που δεν τα έχουν δεχθεί. Αυτή η υποχρέωση δεν έχει χρονικά και χωρικά όρια. Πρέπει να συνεχίζεται, μέχρις ότου όλος ο κόσμος είτε αποδεχθεί την ισλαμική πίστη ή υποταχθεί στην εξουσία του ισλαμικού κράτους."
Σε κάθε περίπτωση, η μετάφραση και η ροή της γλώσσας είναι πολύ καλές!
"Στο κλασικό Ισλάμ δεν υπήρχε διάκριση μεταξύ Εκκλησίας και Κράτους...όπως συμβαίνει καθ' όλη τη διάρκεια της ιστορίας του Χριστιανισμού."
"Στις περισσότερες μουσουλμανικές χώρες το Ισλάμ, παραμένει το ανώτατο κριτήριο συλλογικής ταυτότητας και νομιμοφροσύνης"
"Αυτή η κουλτούρα εκφράστηκε με τρεις γλώσσες, την αραβική, την περσική και την τουρκική...Γλωσσολογικά, αυτές οι τρείς γλώσσες ανήκουν σε διαφορετικές και άσχετες ομάδες. Πολιτισμικά πάντως, είναι πολύ κοντινές, αφού μοιράζονται μια κοινή γραφή."
"Ο ισλαμικός και ο χριστιανικός πολιτισμός ουδέποτε υπήρξαν πολύ απόμακροι ή ξένοι μεταξύ τους, όπως ήταν για παράδειγμα οι αρχαίοι πολιτισμοί της Κίνας και της Ινδίας.... Ο Μουσουλμάνος, όπως ο Χριστιανός, βλέπει τον Θεό να εμπλέκεται στις ανθρώπινες υποθέσεις και να υποβάλλει το λαό του σε μια ποικιλία δοκιμασιών. Όμως, για τον Μουσουλμάνο, η μεγαλύτερη έγνοια του Θεού είναι να βοηθήσει παρά να δοκιμάσει το λαό του, και συγκεκριμένα να βοηθήσει το λαό του να επιτύχει τη νίκη...."
"Τα ανθρώπινα κράτη, σαν τους μεμονωμένους ανθρώπους είναι οργανικά: γεννιούνται, διατρέχουν τις τρεις φάσεις της ανάπτυξης, της ωριμότητας και της παρακμής, και πεθαίνουν. Στα κράτη όπως και στα άτομα, η σχετική επιμήκυνση αυτών των φάσεων μπορεί να διαφέρει αναλόγως της υγείας τους και της δύναμης τους."
"Οι Μουσουλμάνοι φιλόσοφοι της ελληνιστικής σχολής ήταν συγκριτικά μια σχετικά μικρή και ελάσσονος σημασίας ομάδα."
"Η σαρία, ο Ιερός Νόμος του Ισλάμ, περικλείει όλη τη γκάμα των ανθρώπινων δραστηριοτήτων και, επομένως, σχετίζεται φυσικά με την άσκηση της διακυβέρνησης σε όλες τις πλευρές της. Αφού και ο νόμος, κατά τη μουσουλμανική αντίληψη, είναι θεϊκός και αμετακίνητος, το κομμάτι που σχετίζεται με την κυβέρνηση διαθέτει αυτές τις ιδιότητες....Η πρωταρχική λειτουργία της κυβέρνησης είναι να δώσει τη δυνατότητα στον μουσουλμάνο να διάγει μια καλή μουσουλμανική ζωή. Αυτός είναι, σε τελευταία ανάλυση, ο σκοπός του κράτους, για τον οποίο και μόνο ιδρύθηκε το κράτος από τον Θεό."
"Τρείς είναι οι ανισότητες που έχουν καθιερωθεί και ρυθμισθεί δια νόμου και έχουν εξελιχθεί μέσα από αιώνες χρήσης: α) η κατάσταση ανισότητας κυρίου - δούλου, β) ανδρός - γυναικός, και γ) Μουσουλμάνων - μη Μουσουλμάνων. Βεβαίως, αυτές είναι τρία διαφορετικά είδη κατηγοριοποίησης, τα οποία μπορεί να επικαλύπτονται ή να διατέμνονται, και οι πρακτικές επιπτώσεις του ανήκειν στη μίαν ή την άλλη από αυτές τις κατηγορίες διαφέρουν πολύ από εποχή σε εποχή και από χώρο σε χώρο....Νομικά, κοινωνικά και, στις περισσότερες περιπτώσεις, οικονομικά, η ελεύθερη γυναίκα και ο μη μουσουλμάνος βρίσκονταν σε καλύτερη κατάσταση ακόμα και από έναν μουσουλμάνο δούλο, αλλά όχι πολιτικά. Ο μη μουσουλμάνος ήταν αποκλεισμένος από την πολιτεία και από το σύνολο των πολιτών, κανένας τους δεν είχε πολιτικά δικαιώματα."
¨Η βάση της υποχρέωσης του τζιχάντ είναι η παγκοσμιότητα της μουσουλμανικής αποκάλυψης. Ο λόγος του Θεού και το μήνυμα του Θεού είναι προς όλη την ανθρωπότητα, είναι λοιπόν καθήκον όσων τα έχουν δεχθεί να παλέψουν ασταμάτητα για να προσηλυτίσουν ή, τουλάχιστον να υποδουλώσουν εκείνους που δεν τα έχουν δεχθεί. Αυτή η υποχρέωση δεν έχει χρονικά και χωρικά όρια. Πρέπει να συνεχίζεται, μέχρις ότου όλος ο κόσμος είτε αποδεχθεί την ισλαμική πίστη ή υποταχθεί στην εξουσία του ισλαμικού κράτους."
August 16, 2009
Required reading for anyone interested in the politics of any Muslim-majority country.
My only real caveat is that Lewis tends to fall into the historian's trap of over-essentializing contemporary Islamic societies. For a scholar with a deep knowledge of the Muslim world's remote past, the natural temptation is to put maximum emphasis on ways in which the past controls the present -- and to give short shrift, I sometimes think, to the extent to which Muslim and non-Muslim societies are also being shaped by a common set of *contemporary* social forces.
In the interest of fairness: I do notice that our Afghan driver, whose English isn't too bad, tends to confuse the words "king" and "president" when he talks about previous rulers of the country.
And when I was in a taxi last week with a cabbie trying to ask what I thought about the elections -- a word I didn't recognize in Persian -- he began explaining the concept to me by saying it was all about "mulk", which thanks to Lewis I recognized as the classical Arabic term for "kingdom" or "king-ship".
Maybe things don't change so fast after all.
My only real caveat is that Lewis tends to fall into the historian's trap of over-essentializing contemporary Islamic societies. For a scholar with a deep knowledge of the Muslim world's remote past, the natural temptation is to put maximum emphasis on ways in which the past controls the present -- and to give short shrift, I sometimes think, to the extent to which Muslim and non-Muslim societies are also being shaped by a common set of *contemporary* social forces.
In the interest of fairness: I do notice that our Afghan driver, whose English isn't too bad, tends to confuse the words "king" and "president" when he talks about previous rulers of the country.
And when I was in a taxi last week with a cabbie trying to ask what I thought about the elections -- a word I didn't recognize in Persian -- he began explaining the concept to me by saying it was all about "mulk", which thanks to Lewis I recognized as the classical Arabic term for "kingdom" or "king-ship".
Maybe things don't change so fast after all.
November 15, 2021
"Arabic, with most other Islamic languages that deriver most of their conceptual terms from Arabic, has an entirely political vocabulary from that shared by most Western languages" so beings the book summary on the inside cover. In chapters covering such topics as metaphors; governing and the life of those governed; war and peace in dealings with non-Moslem states and limits to obedience of pious Moslems through the prism of language – Turkish and Persian as well as Arabic – Bernard Lewis discusses the Islamic approach to these matters as set out in the Koran and as they have changed when the Islamic world came to terms with the reality that non-Islamic countries were here to stay. It was interesting to a point though slow to start, but not excellent, although the author’s thorough and extensive knowledge of the topic comes through clearly.
March 9, 2017
An Islam hater as he is, Bernard Lewis is a brilliant scholar who seems to understand Islam better than some Ulama. Although a notorious orientalist (I've seen academics insult each other by pointing out Lewis's influence in each other's work), you can't help but admire his grasp of Islamic texts, history, and politics and his ability to explain it so eloquently to a western audience.
October 19, 2016
This book explains a lot of the formulation of Middle Eastern language relative to historical events and formulation of its countries. It is a good and swift introduction for those new to the language and ideas behind political Islam.
January 5, 2024
Neredeyse bir etimoloji kitabı gibi. Bugün kullandığımız birçok kelimenin kökenini ve tarihsel süreç içerisinde kullanımında yaşanan değişiklikleri çok iyi anlatıyor. Mutlaka okunmalı
October 19, 2022
این کتاب تقریر چهار سخنرانی برنارد لوئیس است که در اوایل دهه هشتاد میلادی ارائه شده است. مانند بیشتر کارهای او مملو است از دقتها پژوهشی و مطالعات مقایسهای دقیق. و البته مانند اغلب کارهایش مرکز اصلی تحقیق او اسلام اهل سنت و خلافت عثمانی است و تقریبا در مورد ایران و تشیع چیز خاصی ندارد.
June 26, 2021
Πολύ καλογραμμένο, αλλά είναι για εξειδικευμένο κοινό. Πέρα από κάποιες ενδιαφέρουσες πληροφορίες, δυσκολεύτηκα να το τελειώσω.
May 4, 2022
Lacks an argument. Some interesting late reflections on the introduction of anti-imperialism into Arabic.
April 27, 2023
Bernard Lewis'in bulundugumuz coğrafya ile alakalı okudugum üçüncü kitabı . Farklı bir kültürden yetişmiş birisinin bu denli kapsamlı kitaplar çıkarması ve yazarken oldukça objektif bir bakış açısıyla sunmasıni açıkçası çok beğendim . Tavsiye ederim
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
April 19, 2016
A fascinating word study of the words that characterize past and present Islamic political rhetoric and how they differ from their western counterparts. The notes to each chapter are also interesting and useful.
Read
September 23, 2010The Political Language of Islam (Emergent Literatures) by Bernard Lewis (1991)
June 4, 2014
One of the more advanced books I've read on the subject. Highly recommended.
June 3, 2016
Bernard Lewis'den karşılaştırmalı ( farsça, türkçe, arapça) siyasal söylem kitabı. Gayet faydalı, enteresan bir çalışma. Ortadoğu ve İslam için temel olma niteliğinde.
August 23, 2018
Understanding Culture Through Worlds
This is an entirely enjoyable approach to understanding Islam's culture through the etymology of language. Some telltales tell important tales, such comparing the English word for "government" as derived from the Greek for rudder or steersman, whereas the equivalent "siyasa" derives from the word training a horse and is used throughout the Muslim world. (pp11) The notion is that the horse needs to be told exactly what to do whereas the ship only needs to be guided. An esp. graphic reflect was that the Ottomans used the symbol of a horsetail as an emblem of authority, which also relates to the ruling that dhimmis were not permitted to ride horses.
Methaphor emerges from vocabulary. Wazir (vizier, adviser) derives from ink pot , millet - a confessional group form "word". Medinah ( city state) comes from Hebrew or Aramaic and has its roots in the word "dayan" or judge - the English equivalent being "juris diction", rule by speech. Umma is used for "people/nation", but not restricted to geographic bounds - at one point there is reference to a Christian Umma. Internal to the state one uses millet from "word" and in Ottoman use refers to a group that accepts a religious dictum, ie: word of God. The word for "State" is "dawla", from the 8th century on, and is also used to indicate one's turn as a wife with a husband in a polygamous union, giving an interesting twist to the notion of revolving heads of state.
The evolution of terms for rulers is quite interesting. Caliph actually means "one who comes after" or successor to the Prophet. Each set of rulers takes on a lesser title. Addressing the Ottoman Wazir one uses the phrase "Sublime Porte" (court of the Sultan) replete with door/gate/lintel related metaphors. Interesting too is the choice of Muslim rulers in addressing European Kings and Queens lesser titles such as Ottoman "Kiral", "Bey".
The world is divided into dar al Islam (house of Islam) and dar al-Harb (house of war) which wil exist until Islam is universal. In recent history an intermediate concept "dar al-Abd", "Abd" from "slave" or bound individual refers to territory governed by non-Muslims but with Muslim permission (pp80). The original concept of the Muslim Ummah was that of a unitary body - only the concept was broken soon after the death of the Prophet. "Hudna" is a temporary truce, a "sulb" or agreement, usually related to property disputes is final. Dhimmis are non-muslim subjects who believe in one god; "musta'min" have a similar status, but are not permanent residents - they may be granted safe passage ("aman" a safe conduct approval, ie: "amen") , property and economic concessions the Ottoman "abdname" or covenant-bearer. The original English term being capitulations, sans negative connotation, the Ottoman "abdname" or covenant-bearer however was condescending towards the receiver), The 4 categories of enemy are the bandit, the rebel, kufir (one who has never accepted Islam) and the apostate with specific rules on warring with each. Rival Muslim states are viewed as rebels, who on surrender would be readmitted to the Ummah. Apostates deserve death, unless they repent - unlike the dhimmi they cannot coose submission or slavery. Actual instances of individual apostasy are rare because of the penalty, though it is a common way to denounce opponents. On pages 87-91 Lewis examines the even rarer dilemma of an apostate State. Makes for interesting reading.
Oddly missing is an etymology of "Islam" itself, which Muslims will translate as "submission to Allah"; salaam, at the root of the word, is used to refer to a state of peace is mostly used in a non-political sense which would be a state of submission to God. Lewis opines that the Arabic word use of "salaam" is converging to international norms.
To quote the "other" Lewis, (Lewis Caroll):
'When I use a word,' Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a scornful tone, 'it means just what I choose it to mean -- neither more nor less.'
'The question is,' said Alice, 'whether you can make words mean so many different things.'
'The question is,' said Humpty Dumpty, 'which is to be master -- that's all.'
It's so tempting to put our own interpretation on meaning based on translations provided. Here Prof. Lewis teaches us to relax and listen to the flow of use and time and thereby enable insight with the other's culture, not based on our preconceptions, but in terms of theirs.
Inshallah, we may reach an understanding. Sulha.
This is an entirely enjoyable approach to understanding Islam's culture through the etymology of language. Some telltales tell important tales, such comparing the English word for "government" as derived from the Greek for rudder or steersman, whereas the equivalent "siyasa" derives from the word training a horse and is used throughout the Muslim world. (pp11) The notion is that the horse needs to be told exactly what to do whereas the ship only needs to be guided. An esp. graphic reflect was that the Ottomans used the symbol of a horsetail as an emblem of authority, which also relates to the ruling that dhimmis were not permitted to ride horses.
Methaphor emerges from vocabulary. Wazir (vizier, adviser) derives from ink pot , millet - a confessional group form "word". Medinah ( city state) comes from Hebrew or Aramaic and has its roots in the word "dayan" or judge - the English equivalent being "juris diction", rule by speech. Umma is used for "people/nation", but not restricted to geographic bounds - at one point there is reference to a Christian Umma. Internal to the state one uses millet from "word" and in Ottoman use refers to a group that accepts a religious dictum, ie: word of God. The word for "State" is "dawla", from the 8th century on, and is also used to indicate one's turn as a wife with a husband in a polygamous union, giving an interesting twist to the notion of revolving heads of state.
The evolution of terms for rulers is quite interesting. Caliph actually means "one who comes after" or successor to the Prophet. Each set of rulers takes on a lesser title. Addressing the Ottoman Wazir one uses the phrase "Sublime Porte" (court of the Sultan) replete with door/gate/lintel related metaphors. Interesting too is the choice of Muslim rulers in addressing European Kings and Queens lesser titles such as Ottoman "Kiral", "Bey".
The world is divided into dar al Islam (house of Islam) and dar al-Harb (house of war) which wil exist until Islam is universal. In recent history an intermediate concept "dar al-Abd", "Abd" from "slave" or bound individual refers to territory governed by non-Muslims but with Muslim permission (pp80). The original concept of the Muslim Ummah was that of a unitary body - only the concept was broken soon after the death of the Prophet. "Hudna" is a temporary truce, a "sulb" or agreement, usually related to property disputes is final. Dhimmis are non-muslim subjects who believe in one god; "musta'min" have a similar status, but are not permanent residents - they may be granted safe passage ("aman" a safe conduct approval, ie: "amen") , property and economic concessions the Ottoman "abdname" or covenant-bearer. The original English term being capitulations, sans negative connotation, the Ottoman "abdname" or covenant-bearer however was condescending towards the receiver), The 4 categories of enemy are the bandit, the rebel, kufir (one who has never accepted Islam) and the apostate with specific rules on warring with each. Rival Muslim states are viewed as rebels, who on surrender would be readmitted to the Ummah. Apostates deserve death, unless they repent - unlike the dhimmi they cannot coose submission or slavery. Actual instances of individual apostasy are rare because of the penalty, though it is a common way to denounce opponents. On pages 87-91 Lewis examines the even rarer dilemma of an apostate State. Makes for interesting reading.
Oddly missing is an etymology of "Islam" itself, which Muslims will translate as "submission to Allah"; salaam, at the root of the word, is used to refer to a state of peace is mostly used in a non-political sense which would be a state of submission to God. Lewis opines that the Arabic word use of "salaam" is converging to international norms.
To quote the "other" Lewis, (Lewis Caroll):
'When I use a word,' Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a scornful tone, 'it means just what I choose it to mean -- neither more nor less.'
'The question is,' said Alice, 'whether you can make words mean so many different things.'
'The question is,' said Humpty Dumpty, 'which is to be master -- that's all.'
It's so tempting to put our own interpretation on meaning based on translations provided. Here Prof. Lewis teaches us to relax and listen to the flow of use and time and thereby enable insight with the other's culture, not based on our preconceptions, but in terms of theirs.
Inshallah, we may reach an understanding. Sulha.
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