Gunfight helped to answer two mysteries for me. The first is the evolution of gun culture in this country. I grew up shooting guns with my dad. My dad had a collection of guns that we would use for target shooting, but I was particularly good at shooting the classic lever action Winchester rifle and the Colt .45 pistol from the wild west era. In those days, if you wanted to play tough guy, you would shoot a .44 magnum pistol like “Dirty Harry” used in the movies. Military style rifles, the parading of them in public and the connection of guns to extreme right wing politics just wasn’t a thing for the average gun owner in the 80s and early 90s. I didn’t understand how all that changed until reading this book.
The second mystery this resolved for me is with regards to the author, Ryan Busse. I met Ryan several years ago in connection with his support for good political candidates in Montana. I attended a fundraiser at his house at about the time that I learned he was a senior executive for a gun company. It was somewhat confusing for me why such a smart, articulate and outspoken person with liberal sympathies was working in an industry that was so connected to extreme right wing politics and the violence associated with gun deaths. I understood the connection with hunting and the outdoors, but still…
Gunfight is Busse’s memoir and an insiders account of the radicalization of gun culture. He opens the book with a scene from the Kalispell BLM rally in 2020, an event I also attended. His protesting son was accosted by an armed older man who yelled and got in his face, aggressive behavior fueled by the radicalized gun culture that Busse was intimately involved in.
Busse describes his childhood growing up with guns on a farm in Kansas and how his father emphasized the importance of gun safety and respect. Even with this instruction, Busse and his brother had a near miss with a gun accident. And Busse’s own father had, as a kid, lost his best friend to a mentally unstable neighbor who shot him. But Busse grew to associate guns with the freedom of the outdoors, his love of hunting and his own idyllic rural childhood. So much so, that he dreamed of working in the gun industry.
His dream came true as a young man when he went to work for a small gun company called Kimber, which was based out of Portland but which allowed him to head up sales from Montana. His early years at Kimber, with an eccentric CEO and founder, is full of wild stories involving strippers, Costa Rican hookers, illegal gun confiscations, tax fraud and embezzlement. The book is worth reading for these crazy stories alone. But eventually, the wild CEO flees the country to avoid criminal prosecution and Busse winds up helping to build Kimber into a huge success.
Busse chronicles the evolving radicalization of the gun industry, his own part in it early on and then his growing disgust with it, fueled by his wife, Sara, who pushed him to view the industry more critically. President Clinton’s assault weapons ban in 1994 was treated as a lesson by the NRA that it needed to be more extreme and to engage in greater fearmongering in order to protect the gun industry and grow their political power and influence.
The Columbine school shooting in 1999 resulted in a short lived gun sales boom (the first of what would become a sad pattern following mass shootings). Busse wondered why the gun industry opposed closing the gun show loophole to background checks, which was a factor in the Columbine shooting. But then Smith & Wesson agreed to some gun control efforts with the Clinton administration and Busse became a star in the industry by leading a boycott of the company. The boycott devastated Smith & Wesson’s business, effectively scuttled the nascent gun control effort and served as an example to the NRA of how to use hard ball tactics to force industry players to toe the line. The government responded to the boycott by launching an unsuccessful anti-trust legal investigation of Busse’s activities.
It wasn’t long, however, before Busse began changing his perspective. After moving to Montana, Busse fell in love with public lands where he hunted, particularly the Badger – Two Medicine area near Glacier National Park, which he considered his church. When the Bush administration proposed drilling for oil and gas in the Badger – Two Medicine in 2003, Busse finally turned away from the Republican party and its politics. He spoke publicly against the administration on this issue and it nearly cost him his job, but he was too prominent and too successful in the gun industry to be fired.
With the expiration of the assault weapons ban in 2004 and with the cultural influence of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, sales of military style rifles, particularly the AR-15, took off. Ex-special forces members served as influencers, selling military style weapons by associating them with patriotism and portraying them as acceptable hunting rifles.
A few years later, with racism and conspiracy theories pushed by the NRA, Obama’s election in 2008 resulted in an unprecedented gun sales boom. Busse supported Obama and by the 2012 NRA annual convention he felt totally out of place and uncomfortable. He used the convention as an opportunity to lobby NRA leadership in support of Montana Senator Jon Tester’s tough re-election campaign. It was this ability to have influence inside the industry that kept Busse from leaving the gun industry despite its radicalization.
The Sandy Hook massacre in 2012 resulted in an even bigger gun sales boom and showed the power of the NRA when they blocked resulting bipartisan gun control measures in Congress, even though gun companies had initially supported it and only backtracked under NRA pressure.
Trump came to power embodying the same angry, conspiracy driven messaging pioneered by the NRA. The gun industry strongly backed Trump even though his election resulted in a gun sales slump and he attacked public lands important to hunters.
After years of making high quality guns, the “Trump Slump” finally forced Kimber to start making cheaper plastic, high capacity guns that were more likely to be used in crimes, something Busse had long opposed. This, together with the radicalization of the industry and Busse’s family being threatened after an online post by Sara about gun control went viral in the gun community, Busse finally decided in 2018 to get out of the industry. But he wanted to do it on his own terms and in the meantime he became bolder in his resistance within the industry. In 2020, after COVID and the Black Lives Matter protests resulted in a gun sales boom that dwarfed even the Obama years, Busse finally resigned from Kimber.
This is a must read book for anyone interested in the debate around guns and the radicalization of the gun industry. It raises the important question of where this gun radicalization is headed and what can we do to stop it before it is too late. I recommend pairing this book with The Second Amendment by Michael Waldman, which I have previously reviewed.