It is a shame that appeasement and incompetence allowed Hitler’s Germany to take over so much of Europe, requiring the Soviet Union to enter the war and annex much of Europe for itself.
This ushered in a period of Communism, and an increasing suspicion of any diversity of opinion which has created the current ‘unpolitical’ world in which intellectual thought that deviates out of a narrow field has come to be treated with suspicion.
Thus we have today’s situation where we allow people to castigate the likes of Jeremy Corbyn, Bernie Sanders, or even (for goodness sake) Joe Biden as dangerous socialists or communists, when their views are left or right of centre compared to previous ages.
This leads to a situation where their followers can only deny those ‘dangerous’ opinions, rather than simply shrugging and saying it does not matter if those words are correct. The world needs as many new ideas as possible.
Earlier in the twentieth century, political idealism of a radical nature was still possible, but the horrors of Fascism and Communism have understandably left many disillusioned and wary. Nonetheless I miss a time when writers, thinkers and film directors could openly declare strong political opinions without automatically being ignored or suppressed.
Think of 1940s Britain, which still had socialists such as George Orwell and H G Wells as respected intellectuals. Orwell was brought in to help with propaganda efforts for the war effort, and Wells helped to lay out the groundwork for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, one of the noblest of all achievements in the twentieth century, and yet under threat.
Wells began his work at an early point in World War 2. His expressions of distaste about the incompetence of the British prime minister are not an attack on Winston Churchill, but on Neville Chamberlain. That is how early in the war this work is.
Many of the ideas carried over into the final declaration, but are here in a more idealistic form. The rights to be protected in the workplace, to have fair opportunities in health and education, legal protections, and an international arrangement that would protect all countries from future tyranny.
Reflecting his socialist ideals, Wells constantly talks about collectivisation of political power as an inevitability. Some would feel this dates the book, but in a way Wells is right. Regardless of what many conservatives might like to think, some degree of collectivisation has developed in society.
Health and education systems are still public. Libraries, the provision of streets and lighting, museums, law and order, and a wide variety of essential services are the provision of government. Meanwhile many countries have sought to protect their economic interests by uniting with other countries. The EU is the most obvious local example.
Of course the right-wing still wish to take us back to an age of selfish individualism when there was no collective good. Many services have been privatised, resulting in higher prices and appalling services. In Britain, the nay-sayers even persuaded the public to pull out of the European Union, an action that we will be rueing for many years to come.
Collectivisation recalls bad memories of incompetence under communist administrations, and worse still, the brutal repression that goes with it. This is where Wells’ work comes in. He sees the value of the state, but he is also aware of the importance of protecting the individuals within it, so we do not become mere pawns to be moved around with no free will, and regardless of our happiness. Human rights offer the best of all worlds, allowing us to benefit from the state while retaining freedom.
Nonetheless human rights remain under attack. Why should this be? Firstly the attack is led by privileged people who have something to gain by undermining the freedoms of people with less money. No need to pay for a good education or health service for others. No worries about employment rights in the workplace. Since these privileged people control government and the press, they can offer powerful propaganda to persuade the public to go against their own interests.
There is also the question of personal responsibilities. Wells touches on this old adage – when we talk about human rights what about human responsibilities? As Wells points out, one means the other, to an extent. When you protect human rights you are exercising your responsibility in protecting those rights.
Nonetheless there has been much abuse of the phrase, largely by the kind of people who do not respect human rights at all, and yet are quick to insist their own rights are being infringed. These often include such things as the right to make racist comments, or the right to show a lack of sense during a pandemic.
Since such rights are those which encroach on the rights of others, then the claims only serve to undermine the notion of human rights and make it seem like a trivial claim by entitled people. It is nothing of the sort. It is easy to feel pessimistic about human capacity for improvement. I feel that way every time I see litter on the ground. How can we foul our own environment for no good reason but idleness?
When we set aside these silly people, we can recognise that many people are genuinely protected by human rights legislation, and if it slows down the development of certain changes, the harm that it causes is somewhat less than the harm that is caused by having a nation with no rights at all.
The Rights of Man is not a well-known Wells work, and its content is too dry and technical to attract large audiences. It does not even have its own Wikipedia page. Nonetheless it is one of the most admirable of all the writer’s works, and perhaps the most influential. Let us never lose sight of the advantages of the human rights that it espouses.