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Edward Kennedy #2
Against the Wind: Edward Kennedy and the Rise of Conservatism, 1976-2009
From the author of Catching the Wind comes the second volume of the definitive biography of Ted Kennedy and a history of modern American liberalism.
“Magisterial . . . an intricate, astute study of political power brokering comparable to Robert A. Caro’s profile of Lyndon Johnson in Master of the Senate .”— Publishers Weekly (starred review)
Against the Wind completes Neal Gabler’s magisterial biography of Ted Kennedy, but it also unfolds the epic, tragic story of the fall of liberalism and the destruction of political morality in America. With Richard Nixon having stilled the liberal wind that once propelled Kennedy’s—and his fallen brothers’—political crusades, Ted Kennedy faced a lonely battle. As Republicans pressed Reaganite dogmas of individual freedom and responsibility and Democratic centrists fell into line, Kennedy was left as the most powerful voice legislating on behalf of those society would neglect or the poor, the working class, and African Americans.
Gabler shows how the fault lines that cracked open in the wake of the Civil Rights movement and Vietnam were intentionally widened by Kennedy’s Republican rivals to create a moral vision of America that stood in direct opposition to once broadly shared commitments to racial justice and economic equality. Yet even as he fought this shift, Ted Kennedy’s personal moral failures in this era—the endless rumors of his womanizing and public drunkenness and his bizarre behavior during the events that led to rape accusations against his nephew William Kennedy Smith—would be used again and again to weaken his voice and undercut his claims to political morality.
Tracing Kennedy’s life from the wilderness of the Reagan years through the compromises of the Clinton era, from his rage against the craven cruelty of George W. Bush to his hope that Obama would deliver on a lifetime of effort on behalf of universal health care, Gabler unfolds Kennedy’s heroic legislative work against the backdrop of a nation grown lost and fractured. In this outstanding conclusion to the saga that began with Catching the Wind, Neal Gabler offers his inimitable insight into a man who fought to keep liberalism alive when so many were determined to extinguish it. Against the Wind sheds new light both on a revered figure in the American Century and on America’s current existential crisis.
“Magisterial . . . an intricate, astute study of political power brokering comparable to Robert A. Caro’s profile of Lyndon Johnson in Master of the Senate .”— Publishers Weekly (starred review)
Against the Wind completes Neal Gabler’s magisterial biography of Ted Kennedy, but it also unfolds the epic, tragic story of the fall of liberalism and the destruction of political morality in America. With Richard Nixon having stilled the liberal wind that once propelled Kennedy’s—and his fallen brothers’—political crusades, Ted Kennedy faced a lonely battle. As Republicans pressed Reaganite dogmas of individual freedom and responsibility and Democratic centrists fell into line, Kennedy was left as the most powerful voice legislating on behalf of those society would neglect or the poor, the working class, and African Americans.
Gabler shows how the fault lines that cracked open in the wake of the Civil Rights movement and Vietnam were intentionally widened by Kennedy’s Republican rivals to create a moral vision of America that stood in direct opposition to once broadly shared commitments to racial justice and economic equality. Yet even as he fought this shift, Ted Kennedy’s personal moral failures in this era—the endless rumors of his womanizing and public drunkenness and his bizarre behavior during the events that led to rape accusations against his nephew William Kennedy Smith—would be used again and again to weaken his voice and undercut his claims to political morality.
Tracing Kennedy’s life from the wilderness of the Reagan years through the compromises of the Clinton era, from his rage against the craven cruelty of George W. Bush to his hope that Obama would deliver on a lifetime of effort on behalf of universal health care, Gabler unfolds Kennedy’s heroic legislative work against the backdrop of a nation grown lost and fractured. In this outstanding conclusion to the saga that began with Catching the Wind, Neal Gabler offers his inimitable insight into a man who fought to keep liberalism alive when so many were determined to extinguish it. Against the Wind sheds new light both on a revered figure in the American Century and on America’s current existential crisis.
1264 pages, Hardcover
Published November 15, 2022
28 people are currently reading
3466 people want to read
About the author
Neal Gabler
13 books171 followersNeal Gabler is a distinguished author, cultural historian and television commentator who has been called “one of America’s most important public intellectuals.” His first book, An Empire of Their Own: How the Jews Invented Hollywood, won the Los Angeles Times Book Prize for History and the Theatre Library Association Award for the best book on television, radio or film. On the centenary of the first public exhibition of motion pictures in America, a special panel of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences named it one of the one hundred outstanding books on the American film industry. His second book, Winchell: Gossip, Power and the Culture of Celebrity, was nominated for the National Book Critics Circle Award and was named the non-fiction book of the year by Time Magazine. His third book, Life the Movie: How Entertainment Conquered Reality, is currently being used in college courses across the country to examine the convergence of reality and entertainment. His fourth book, Walt Disney: The Triumph of the American Imagination, a New York Times best-seller, was named the biography of the year by USA Today and won Mr. Gabler his second Los Angeles Times Book Prize. It was also the runner-up for the prestigious Kraszna-Krausz Book Award in England. His new book, Barbra Streisand: Redefining Beauty, Femininity and Power, was published by Yale Univ Press this past April as part of its Jewish Lives series.
Mr. Gabler was graduated with high distinction and highest honors from the University of Michigan and was inducted into Phi Beta Kappa. He holds advanced degrees in film and American Culture. He has also taught at the University of Michigan, where he won an outstanding teaching award, and at the Pennsylvania State University. Leaving academe, he was selected to replace departing co-hosts Roger Ebert and Gene Siskel on the public television movie review program, “Sneak Previews.” He has also been the host of the American Movie Classics cable television network, of “Reel to Real” on the History Channel, and of “Reel Thirteen” on WNET, the public television station in New York, for which he won an Emmy.
Mr. Gabler is a contributing editor at Playboy and a regular contributor to the New York Times, the Boston Globe, the Los Angeles Times, and Reuters Opinion, and his essays and articles have appeared in Atlantic, Newsweek, Vanity Fair, The Nation, The New Republic, Men’s Journal, George, Time, TV Guide, Variety and many other publications. In 2014, he won the National Arts and Entertainment Journalism Award from the Los Angeles Press Club. He has also been a contributor to the Fox News Channel and served as a panelist on the weekly media review program “Fox News Watch” from 2002 to 2007. One television critic called him a “megawatt brain…whose take on media coverage was fiercely individualistic, profound and original.” He has made appearances on “The Today Show,” “CBS Morning News,” “Entertainment Tonight,” “Charlie Rose” and the PBS “NewsHour.” And this year he is contributing a weekly column to billmoyers.com on the election and the media
Mr. Gabler has been the recipient of a Guggenheim Fellowship, a Shorenstein Fellowship at Harvard University, a Freedom Forum Fellowship, and was a Woodrow Wilson Public Policy Scholar. He has also been the chief non-fiction judge of the National Book Awards and a judge of the Los Angeles Times Book Prizes. He is currently a senior fellow at the Norman Lear Center for the Study of Society and Entertainment at the University of Southern California and is a Visiting Professor in the MFA Literature and Writing program at SUNY Stony Brook. He was also the 2013 recipient of the Patrick Henry Writing Fellowship at Washington College. His older daughter Laurel was a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford where she received her doctorate in Public Health. She is currently matriculating at Harvard Medical School. His younger daughter Tanne taught in the World Teach program in American Samoa, was an A
Mr. Gabler was graduated with high distinction and highest honors from the University of Michigan and was inducted into Phi Beta Kappa. He holds advanced degrees in film and American Culture. He has also taught at the University of Michigan, where he won an outstanding teaching award, and at the Pennsylvania State University. Leaving academe, he was selected to replace departing co-hosts Roger Ebert and Gene Siskel on the public television movie review program, “Sneak Previews.” He has also been the host of the American Movie Classics cable television network, of “Reel to Real” on the History Channel, and of “Reel Thirteen” on WNET, the public television station in New York, for which he won an Emmy.
Mr. Gabler is a contributing editor at Playboy and a regular contributor to the New York Times, the Boston Globe, the Los Angeles Times, and Reuters Opinion, and his essays and articles have appeared in Atlantic, Newsweek, Vanity Fair, The Nation, The New Republic, Men’s Journal, George, Time, TV Guide, Variety and many other publications. In 2014, he won the National Arts and Entertainment Journalism Award from the Los Angeles Press Club. He has also been a contributor to the Fox News Channel and served as a panelist on the weekly media review program “Fox News Watch” from 2002 to 2007. One television critic called him a “megawatt brain…whose take on media coverage was fiercely individualistic, profound and original.” He has made appearances on “The Today Show,” “CBS Morning News,” “Entertainment Tonight,” “Charlie Rose” and the PBS “NewsHour.” And this year he is contributing a weekly column to billmoyers.com on the election and the media
Mr. Gabler has been the recipient of a Guggenheim Fellowship, a Shorenstein Fellowship at Harvard University, a Freedom Forum Fellowship, and was a Woodrow Wilson Public Policy Scholar. He has also been the chief non-fiction judge of the National Book Awards and a judge of the Los Angeles Times Book Prizes. He is currently a senior fellow at the Norman Lear Center for the Study of Society and Entertainment at the University of Southern California and is a Visiting Professor in the MFA Literature and Writing program at SUNY Stony Brook. He was also the 2013 recipient of the Patrick Henry Writing Fellowship at Washington College. His older daughter Laurel was a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford where she received her doctorate in Public Health. She is currently matriculating at Harvard Medical School. His younger daughter Tanne taught in the World Teach program in American Samoa, was an A
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Displaying 1 - 14 of 14 reviews
December 1, 2022
After being enthralled with the first volume of Neal Gabler’s biography of Ted Kennedy, I knew that I would have to come back for the second portion in short order. Gabler dazzles like few biographers I have ever read, providing context and insight into the life Kennedy lived while espousing the liberal dream in the first volume. With the winds beginning to blow towards conservatism, this second volume tackles that, as well as Kennedy’s greatest obstacle, the presidency. Trying to move out from his brothers’ shadows, Ted Kennedy had to decide whether he would run and how using his own merits might help him. Gabler does a phenomenal job at portraying Kennedy as a hard worker and passionate about the every day citizen, even in the face of significant conversation that sought to drown out his liberal flame. Poignant with some even more passionate entries than the first volume, Gabler does it again.
In the latter portion of volume one, Gabler presented the reader with the crossroads that Ted Kennedy faced in the mid-70s, with the political winds changing dramatically, The country had seen the rise of Nixon and the beginnings of a conservative change in their sentiments, followed by Watergate and the end of Vietnam, under President Ford. With the 1976 campaign for the White House heating up, Kennedy had a chance to toss his hat into the ring, but he chose to wait for another time, feeling that this was not his place. As he watched from the sidelines, an unlikely Democrat claimed the nomination and headed into the general election. Jimmy Carter appeared to be the antithesis of Kennedy’s liberal values and potential a Democrat in name only, something which worried Kennedy a great deal, and yet he remained outwardly quiet.
After Carter’s victory in ‘76, Kennedy had to work with the Administration, which proved painful. Carter did not share Kennedy’s values, trying to shut down the senator’s legislation, discussions, and any momentum that Kennedy might have. As Gabler puts it, Carter was always waiting for Kennedy to announce his campaign for 1980, which did not come until late in the lead-up to the primaries in January 1980. Kennedy waffled and weighed all his options, as America drifted further away from his liberal left towards the right and kept those the senator held dearest on the outside of the tent. When Kennedy did announce an intent to run against the incumbent Carter, it was a series of gaffes and a lack of connection to the people he long called his own that left the campaign drooping from the outset. As Gabler magically recounts in long chapters, the battle was on, though it took a long time to get going and Kennedy was always playing catch-up. Kennedy did appear to catch Carter, though it may have been a little too late. With Carter poised to capture the nomination and the Republicans locking up their candidate, Ronald Reagan, the fight was on for one final liberal push. Kennedy entered the 1980 Democratic National Convention hoping to challenge Carter on the floor and bring the party back to its liberal roots. It failed and Kennedy, seeing the writing on the wall, had to admit defeat, while promising never to let the winds of change extinguish his liberal flame.
Shaking off the pain of a defeat for the nomination, Kennedy watched Carter get pummelled in the election, with Reagan storming onto the scene. This was a battle that many media outlets thought Kennedy might have won had he been the Democratic nominee. Still, it was time for Kennedy to lick his wounds and hope that he could use his role in the Senate to rein in the Reagan Administration. As much as this might have been his plan, Kennedy appears to have dialled things back, according to Gabler. Feeling the conservative wind and how Reagan vilified the liberal perspective, Kennedy turned his attention to his own personal causes. It was only when a controversial Supreme Court nominee came before the Senate that Kennedy’s old ire returned and left Robert Bork embarrassed for all to see. Gabler shows how this was Kennedy’s time to shine and he did so, stymying the nominee and infuriating Reagan at the same time.
This ‘lay low’ technique continued after Kennedy chose not to run for president in 1988, clearing the way for VP George H.W. Bush to assume the role. Kennedy tried to push his liberal agenda and protect minorities from his perch, earning a few small victories with legislation to help those with disabilities and another push for additional civil rights. While Kennedy did make a small push on blocking Bush’s Supreme Court nominee, Clarence Thomas, the spark came too late and was mired by Kennedy’s own personal issues with drink and tabloid scandal. This left Thomas to turn the tables on the Senate Judiciary committee and create a race issue out of something that had been sexual harassment claims by one of the nominee’s former colleagues. The family aura was quickly tarnishing and Ted Kennedy could not stand aside, as he was being painted with the same brush as some of his adult nephews, who found themselves in trouble with the law or in treatment centres. Even Kennedy’s own constituents wondered if it was time to step away from politics, as he was not proving to be an advocate for their needs, but rather dodging his own scandals.
This was a true wake-up call for Kennedy, who sought to realign himself to ensure that he had a purpose. His passion lay with legislating and representing the people of Massachusetts, which was strengthened when he ran in 1994 against his toughest Republican opponent yet, Mitt Romney, whose family had deep ties to national politics as well. Kennedy used this re-election campaign to find himself and reconnect with voters, showing that he still had the passion needed to serve and could put scandalous behaviour in the rear view mirror. Kennedy also used this time to work with President Bill Clinton on trying to forge new ground open some of his pet projects. While Clinton was passionate about healthcare he demurred when faced with the cost and the Herculean effort needed to pass it through a Congress led by ideological Republicans. Kennedy would return to Congress rejuvenated and help Clinton as best he could, with both legislative and social issues. Still, Kennedy had to wonder, as Gabler posits, whether this might be the path to his final swan song as an American politician and leader.
In a whirlwind of American political change, Kennedy saw the Democratic Party ebb and flow once more, particularly as the judicial branch weighed in on the 2000 presidential election. George W. Bush became the eventual leader but showed a willingness to look across the aisle and use Kennedy’s passions to help America, particularly with education reform. Gabler explores this odd relationship and how Ted Kennedy put partisan views aside to help children and enshrine their eduction into the American psyche. This collegiality was short-lived, though, particularly after President Bush began his War on Terror campaign, sending troops into Iraq and Afghanistan. Kennedy was adamantly opposed to the troop deployment, one of the only senators to voice those concerns, but received no support from his colleagues and proved to be a thorn in the side of the White House. Attempts to push through some important legislation proved insurmountable when many saw Ted as being unpatriotic for opposite gender US intervention. Could this have been the writing on the wall Ted Kennedy needed to see that his political career was done and that he ought to hang up his advocacy boots once and for all?
By the end of the Bush Administration, much had changed. A new tiredness with conservative ideals, packaged a number of ways by countless Republicans, left the electorate hungry for change. Kennedy could see that a new era of liberalism, or at least sustainable Democratic hope, had come to the party, particularly when a young Senator Obama began making waves. It was at this time that Ted Kennedy’s fallibility also showed its true colours, when he was diagnosed with an inoperable Brian tumour. Kennedy loud see the end was near and yet he wanted to ensure his country, his ideals, and his values were left to those who. old protect them. As Gabler presents a strong narrative in the final chapter, the country came to Ted Kennedy to offer their thanks, even politicians who used his name to rally support for the opposition . The Lion of the Senate and master of all things congressional would not be forgotten. The final Kennedy brother would soon be gone, but his mark would never fade. An outstanding two volume biography that is sure to touch any reader with the patience and open-mindedness to read it.
I have read many political biographies in my time, but Neal Gabler’s work stands apart from many. Gabler lays extensive groundwork about all aspects of Ted Kennedy’s life, which was full of struggles at each turn. Kennedy’s greatness is balanced with stumbles along the way, illustrated in a clear narrative style. There is so much material in this tome (let alone the opening volume) that many readers might find themselves overwhelmed, but Gabler synthesises and discusses things with ease. The themes emerge and come full circle throughout the narrative, allowing the attentive reader to bask in all the glory that Gabler has to offer. With long and detailed chapters, Gabler develops the message of Kennedy’s impact on American politics, while also dividing each segment into small sub-chapters, perhaps to aid with digestion. I could not have asked for more, though there is no doubt a great deal that was skimmed over, in order to get to the best parts of the Kennedy story. Those who have time and interest will surely not be disappointed whatsoever.
Kudos, Mr. Gabler, for this stunning portrayal of Edward Kennedy and America that. Saw a great deal of change over the years. I can only hope that some of your other work is just as intriguing.
Love/hate the review? An ever-growing collection of others appears at:
http://pecheyponderings.wordpress.com/
In the latter portion of volume one, Gabler presented the reader with the crossroads that Ted Kennedy faced in the mid-70s, with the political winds changing dramatically, The country had seen the rise of Nixon and the beginnings of a conservative change in their sentiments, followed by Watergate and the end of Vietnam, under President Ford. With the 1976 campaign for the White House heating up, Kennedy had a chance to toss his hat into the ring, but he chose to wait for another time, feeling that this was not his place. As he watched from the sidelines, an unlikely Democrat claimed the nomination and headed into the general election. Jimmy Carter appeared to be the antithesis of Kennedy’s liberal values and potential a Democrat in name only, something which worried Kennedy a great deal, and yet he remained outwardly quiet.
After Carter’s victory in ‘76, Kennedy had to work with the Administration, which proved painful. Carter did not share Kennedy’s values, trying to shut down the senator’s legislation, discussions, and any momentum that Kennedy might have. As Gabler puts it, Carter was always waiting for Kennedy to announce his campaign for 1980, which did not come until late in the lead-up to the primaries in January 1980. Kennedy waffled and weighed all his options, as America drifted further away from his liberal left towards the right and kept those the senator held dearest on the outside of the tent. When Kennedy did announce an intent to run against the incumbent Carter, it was a series of gaffes and a lack of connection to the people he long called his own that left the campaign drooping from the outset. As Gabler magically recounts in long chapters, the battle was on, though it took a long time to get going and Kennedy was always playing catch-up. Kennedy did appear to catch Carter, though it may have been a little too late. With Carter poised to capture the nomination and the Republicans locking up their candidate, Ronald Reagan, the fight was on for one final liberal push. Kennedy entered the 1980 Democratic National Convention hoping to challenge Carter on the floor and bring the party back to its liberal roots. It failed and Kennedy, seeing the writing on the wall, had to admit defeat, while promising never to let the winds of change extinguish his liberal flame.
Shaking off the pain of a defeat for the nomination, Kennedy watched Carter get pummelled in the election, with Reagan storming onto the scene. This was a battle that many media outlets thought Kennedy might have won had he been the Democratic nominee. Still, it was time for Kennedy to lick his wounds and hope that he could use his role in the Senate to rein in the Reagan Administration. As much as this might have been his plan, Kennedy appears to have dialled things back, according to Gabler. Feeling the conservative wind and how Reagan vilified the liberal perspective, Kennedy turned his attention to his own personal causes. It was only when a controversial Supreme Court nominee came before the Senate that Kennedy’s old ire returned and left Robert Bork embarrassed for all to see. Gabler shows how this was Kennedy’s time to shine and he did so, stymying the nominee and infuriating Reagan at the same time.
This ‘lay low’ technique continued after Kennedy chose not to run for president in 1988, clearing the way for VP George H.W. Bush to assume the role. Kennedy tried to push his liberal agenda and protect minorities from his perch, earning a few small victories with legislation to help those with disabilities and another push for additional civil rights. While Kennedy did make a small push on blocking Bush’s Supreme Court nominee, Clarence Thomas, the spark came too late and was mired by Kennedy’s own personal issues with drink and tabloid scandal. This left Thomas to turn the tables on the Senate Judiciary committee and create a race issue out of something that had been sexual harassment claims by one of the nominee’s former colleagues. The family aura was quickly tarnishing and Ted Kennedy could not stand aside, as he was being painted with the same brush as some of his adult nephews, who found themselves in trouble with the law or in treatment centres. Even Kennedy’s own constituents wondered if it was time to step away from politics, as he was not proving to be an advocate for their needs, but rather dodging his own scandals.
This was a true wake-up call for Kennedy, who sought to realign himself to ensure that he had a purpose. His passion lay with legislating and representing the people of Massachusetts, which was strengthened when he ran in 1994 against his toughest Republican opponent yet, Mitt Romney, whose family had deep ties to national politics as well. Kennedy used this re-election campaign to find himself and reconnect with voters, showing that he still had the passion needed to serve and could put scandalous behaviour in the rear view mirror. Kennedy also used this time to work with President Bill Clinton on trying to forge new ground open some of his pet projects. While Clinton was passionate about healthcare he demurred when faced with the cost and the Herculean effort needed to pass it through a Congress led by ideological Republicans. Kennedy would return to Congress rejuvenated and help Clinton as best he could, with both legislative and social issues. Still, Kennedy had to wonder, as Gabler posits, whether this might be the path to his final swan song as an American politician and leader.
In a whirlwind of American political change, Kennedy saw the Democratic Party ebb and flow once more, particularly as the judicial branch weighed in on the 2000 presidential election. George W. Bush became the eventual leader but showed a willingness to look across the aisle and use Kennedy’s passions to help America, particularly with education reform. Gabler explores this odd relationship and how Ted Kennedy put partisan views aside to help children and enshrine their eduction into the American psyche. This collegiality was short-lived, though, particularly after President Bush began his War on Terror campaign, sending troops into Iraq and Afghanistan. Kennedy was adamantly opposed to the troop deployment, one of the only senators to voice those concerns, but received no support from his colleagues and proved to be a thorn in the side of the White House. Attempts to push through some important legislation proved insurmountable when many saw Ted as being unpatriotic for opposite gender US intervention. Could this have been the writing on the wall Ted Kennedy needed to see that his political career was done and that he ought to hang up his advocacy boots once and for all?
By the end of the Bush Administration, much had changed. A new tiredness with conservative ideals, packaged a number of ways by countless Republicans, left the electorate hungry for change. Kennedy could see that a new era of liberalism, or at least sustainable Democratic hope, had come to the party, particularly when a young Senator Obama began making waves. It was at this time that Ted Kennedy’s fallibility also showed its true colours, when he was diagnosed with an inoperable Brian tumour. Kennedy loud see the end was near and yet he wanted to ensure his country, his ideals, and his values were left to those who. old protect them. As Gabler presents a strong narrative in the final chapter, the country came to Ted Kennedy to offer their thanks, even politicians who used his name to rally support for the opposition . The Lion of the Senate and master of all things congressional would not be forgotten. The final Kennedy brother would soon be gone, but his mark would never fade. An outstanding two volume biography that is sure to touch any reader with the patience and open-mindedness to read it.
I have read many political biographies in my time, but Neal Gabler’s work stands apart from many. Gabler lays extensive groundwork about all aspects of Ted Kennedy’s life, which was full of struggles at each turn. Kennedy’s greatness is balanced with stumbles along the way, illustrated in a clear narrative style. There is so much material in this tome (let alone the opening volume) that many readers might find themselves overwhelmed, but Gabler synthesises and discusses things with ease. The themes emerge and come full circle throughout the narrative, allowing the attentive reader to bask in all the glory that Gabler has to offer. With long and detailed chapters, Gabler develops the message of Kennedy’s impact on American politics, while also dividing each segment into small sub-chapters, perhaps to aid with digestion. I could not have asked for more, though there is no doubt a great deal that was skimmed over, in order to get to the best parts of the Kennedy story. Those who have time and interest will surely not be disappointed whatsoever.
Kudos, Mr. Gabler, for this stunning portrayal of Edward Kennedy and America that. Saw a great deal of change over the years. I can only hope that some of your other work is just as intriguing.
Love/hate the review? An ever-growing collection of others appears at:
http://pecheyponderings.wordpress.com/
January 23, 2025
This is the sequel by Neal Gabler to the first volume, Catching the Wind: Edward Kennedy and the Liberal Hour, 1932-1975. In that beautiful book, Gabler captured the humanity of Edward Moore Kennedy, the youngest of the nine children of Joseph P Kennedy and Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy, a prominent Irish-American family in Boston, Massachusetts. From the age of nine, young Ted Kennedy was able to leave his boarding school on weekends and spend time with his maternal grandfather, Honey Fitz, a lifelong politician. As they spent their weekends among the people of Boston, young Edward Kennedy was among the workers and the people of Boston witnessing his iconic grandfather at work and learning much that stood him in good stead as he pursued his career in the Senate.
And this second volume, Against the Wind: Edward Kennedy and the Rise of Conservatism, 1976-2009, completes the magnificent biography as one continues the journey of Edward Kennedy. Also unfolding in these pages, is the fall of liberalism and the loss of political morality in America with Richard Nixon having stilled the liberal wind that once propelled, not only his fallen brothers, President John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy, but also that of Senator Edward Kennedy as he faced a very lonely battle. But Kennedy was left as the most powerful voice legislating on behalf of the poor, the working class, and African Americans.
It is said best on the inside flap of my book that Gabler traces Kennedy’s life from the wilderness of the Reagan years, through the compromises of the Clinton era, from his rage against the craven cruelty of George W. Bush to his hope that Barack Obama would deliver on Kennedy’s lifetime effort on behalf of universal health care. . . Gabler unfolds Kennedy’s heroic legislative work against the backdrop of a nation grown lost and fractured.
The life and career and motivation of Senator Edward Kennedy explodes on these pages in one of the most consequential biographies of our time. It is exhausting study of political power and its brokering in many ways comparable to Robert Caro’s study of Lyndon B. Johnson in Master of the Senate. I found myself so moved in reading this biography of a man who was truly dedicated to the people and the causes for which he fought so hard. And it goes without saying, that this Kennedy has captured my heart as I relived much of the history that was being made. I will close with the words of one of my favorite biographers, Walter Isaacson:
And this second volume, Against the Wind: Edward Kennedy and the Rise of Conservatism, 1976-2009, completes the magnificent biography as one continues the journey of Edward Kennedy. Also unfolding in these pages, is the fall of liberalism and the loss of political morality in America with Richard Nixon having stilled the liberal wind that once propelled, not only his fallen brothers, President John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy, but also that of Senator Edward Kennedy as he faced a very lonely battle. But Kennedy was left as the most powerful voice legislating on behalf of the poor, the working class, and African Americans.
“But the chemistry of the Senate wouldn’t have mattered to Ted Kennedy has his understanding of it not contributed to his real aim and the only reason for his working it so aggressively: the passage of legislation.
“But above all, Kennedy wanted to be a legislator, and he used the chemistry of the Senate to pass his bills as Johnson had used terror and threat and bribery to pass his. For this, his charm and conviviality were not incidental. Most senators liked doing business with Ted. . . . Those sentiments notwithstanding, some Republicans complained that he was ideological to a fault.”
“Ted Kennedy was no bully. He was, however, relentless when it came to the things in which he believed, and by the mid-1970s he was a devout believer in the liberal catechism . . . In fact, Ted had that gift for separating the political from the personal—a profound gift.”
It is said best on the inside flap of my book that Gabler traces Kennedy’s life from the wilderness of the Reagan years, through the compromises of the Clinton era, from his rage against the craven cruelty of George W. Bush to his hope that Barack Obama would deliver on Kennedy’s lifetime effort on behalf of universal health care. . . Gabler unfolds Kennedy’s heroic legislative work against the backdrop of a nation grown lost and fractured.
The life and career and motivation of Senator Edward Kennedy explodes on these pages in one of the most consequential biographies of our time. It is exhausting study of political power and its brokering in many ways comparable to Robert Caro’s study of Lyndon B. Johnson in Master of the Senate. I found myself so moved in reading this biography of a man who was truly dedicated to the people and the causes for which he fought so hard. And it goes without saying, that this Kennedy has captured my heart as I relived much of the history that was being made. I will close with the words of one of my favorite biographers, Walter Isaacson:
“A mammoth undertaking. . . Neal Gabler has brilliantly documented the rise of the most consequential legislator of our day, one who reached Shakespearean heights and tabloid depths. But the Ted Kennedy story is so much more. It is the tale of modern American liberalism and the shifting winds of political morality. . . Deeply impressive.” — Walter Isaacson
January 5, 2023
Against the wind was a good book. I had wanted to read the sequel to the first book of the series and there was no real surprises in it.
December 2, 2022
A- Audible
April 29, 2023
The second part of Neal Gabler's massive biography of Edward Kennedy accomplishes what he set out to do - recount his life in the context of a larger examination of the political history of the United States in the second half of the twentieth century and the first decade of the twenty-first. Gabler shows how Kennedy battled against the conservative tide that started in 1980 with the election of Ronald Reagan to the presidency. It is an exhaustive study and sometimes an exhausting read (or listen, in my case, as I had the audiobook - almost 47 hours!) because Gabler goes into great detail about the legislative machinations involved in attempting to get a bill passed by both houses of Congress in the US. Still, it flows well and is almost always interesting. It's a valuable history.
Gabler shares Kennedy's liberal views, so his description of the politics definitely reflects that viewpoint. His portrayal of Kennedy the man is much more nuanced, as Kennedy's actions in his private life, and the way that he ran his office, didn't always live up to the standards he espoused publicly. Gabler is often harshly critical of Kennedy's conduct of his personal life and does a good job of showing how that damaged him in his political life, the most famous example of which was his near-silence at the Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings, which came just after Kennedy's night of drinking with William Kennedy Smith that ended with a prosecution of Smith on a rape charge. Gabler is astute enough to note, however, that Kennedy's reticence to speak up may have actually been related to his reluctance to cross swords with Thomas's Senate sponsor, John Danforth, with whom Kennedy was working in an attempt to get a civil rights bill passed.
Gabler does a good job of showing how Kennedy improved as a person later in life, particularly after he married second wife Victoria Reggie. He continued to have blind spots, however, many related to his treatment of his children, all of whom developed substance abuse problems. The discussions of Kennedy's personal issues are well handled and never seemed to be gossipy or excessive.
Gabler does a good job in showing what a tremendous job Kennedy did in getting numerous important bills passed, even when he was in the minority in the Senate. His gushing over Kennedy's mastery of the "chemistry" and "physics" of the Senate gets to be a bit repetitive and feels overblown. But there is no question that Kennedy is one of the giants in the Senate's history and the credit given here was certainly well earned.
I thought that there were some flaws, mostly having to do with blind spots shared by the author and his subject. The book presents well Kennedy's long crusade to get a national health care bill passed, efforts that were mostly unsuccessful until the Affordable Care Act was passed under Obama. While all of this was going on, universal health care legislation was passed in almost every other advanced country. The author never seems to wonder why that was. He has much admiration for Kennedy's expertise in manipulating Senate procedures, which included occasionally resorting to the filibuster, but neither Kennedy or Gabler ever seem to have considered the fact that the existence of such procedures had, over the years, mainly been used to derail progressive legislation of the sort that Kennedy favored. Perhaps Kennedy should have spent some time pursuing structural reform of the Senate.
The Affordable Care Act passed only because the Democrats had 60 votes in the Senate, permitting them to break a filibuster. That tactic, which was used more and more frequently as time went on (a trend overlooked in this book, a serious omission in a biography of a Senator), basically requires a super-majority to pass anything. This factor, along with the anti-democratic nature of the Senate as conceived by the framers, means that progressive legislation only passes in rarely-occurring circumstances, such as after the end of a civil war, during a depression, and when the Democrats have an overwhelming advantage in both houses of Congress. The anti-democratic nature of the Senate is never discussed in the book, though it was responsible for foiling many of Kennedy's initiatives, such as health care and immigration reform.
The author even uses the silly phrase, the "nuclear option," when discussing proposals to amend the filibuster rule in connection with the confirmation of judges, as if it is somehow an outrage to have votes determined by the will of the majority.
The author does a good job showing how increased partisanship in the 1990s brought proceedings in Congress to a halt (possible only because of the antiquated rules that Kennedy never sought to reform), but overlooks the other big factor - money in politics. He briefly touches on the reduction of time of members in Congress in Washington because of the need to raise funds for re-election campaigns back home, but doesn't spend any time on the larger effects of the huge amounts of money spent by powerful donors to elect pliable representatives and influence legislation. The author goes into great detail on the drafting of legislation but pays little attention to the fact that much legislation is now drafted by lobbyists and members of Congress represent the interests of their donors to a much greater degree than they do the interests of their constituents.
The author also greatly exaggerated the effect of the election of Barack Obama, acting as if Obama's election ended the conservative wave and restored liberals to dominance in Washington. That obviously didn't happen. In fact, liberalism and democracy is in more danger today than at any time discussed in the book.
The book ends abruptly, without any summing up or analysis. That is fine, as there was ample analysis throughout the book. But a bit of a summary from the long view, particularly since the book came out more than a decade after Kennedy's death, may have been helpful to add some perspective.
A word on the narration by Joe Barrett. Barrett is a good reader and keeps the story moving. He tries to imitate the speaking styles of the various political figures who appear in the book when quoting them directly, and the results are often hilarious. He does ok with Kennedy, but his impressions of the voices of others are pretty bad. His Obama and his Lindsay Graham are pretty ludicrous. My advice for the future would be to just quote them, don't try to channel them.
Overall, a very good, informative book well worth reading. Imperfect, like it's subject, but valuable nevertheless.
Gabler shares Kennedy's liberal views, so his description of the politics definitely reflects that viewpoint. His portrayal of Kennedy the man is much more nuanced, as Kennedy's actions in his private life, and the way that he ran his office, didn't always live up to the standards he espoused publicly. Gabler is often harshly critical of Kennedy's conduct of his personal life and does a good job of showing how that damaged him in his political life, the most famous example of which was his near-silence at the Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings, which came just after Kennedy's night of drinking with William Kennedy Smith that ended with a prosecution of Smith on a rape charge. Gabler is astute enough to note, however, that Kennedy's reticence to speak up may have actually been related to his reluctance to cross swords with Thomas's Senate sponsor, John Danforth, with whom Kennedy was working in an attempt to get a civil rights bill passed.
Gabler does a good job of showing how Kennedy improved as a person later in life, particularly after he married second wife Victoria Reggie. He continued to have blind spots, however, many related to his treatment of his children, all of whom developed substance abuse problems. The discussions of Kennedy's personal issues are well handled and never seemed to be gossipy or excessive.
Gabler does a good job in showing what a tremendous job Kennedy did in getting numerous important bills passed, even when he was in the minority in the Senate. His gushing over Kennedy's mastery of the "chemistry" and "physics" of the Senate gets to be a bit repetitive and feels overblown. But there is no question that Kennedy is one of the giants in the Senate's history and the credit given here was certainly well earned.
I thought that there were some flaws, mostly having to do with blind spots shared by the author and his subject. The book presents well Kennedy's long crusade to get a national health care bill passed, efforts that were mostly unsuccessful until the Affordable Care Act was passed under Obama. While all of this was going on, universal health care legislation was passed in almost every other advanced country. The author never seems to wonder why that was. He has much admiration for Kennedy's expertise in manipulating Senate procedures, which included occasionally resorting to the filibuster, but neither Kennedy or Gabler ever seem to have considered the fact that the existence of such procedures had, over the years, mainly been used to derail progressive legislation of the sort that Kennedy favored. Perhaps Kennedy should have spent some time pursuing structural reform of the Senate.
The Affordable Care Act passed only because the Democrats had 60 votes in the Senate, permitting them to break a filibuster. That tactic, which was used more and more frequently as time went on (a trend overlooked in this book, a serious omission in a biography of a Senator), basically requires a super-majority to pass anything. This factor, along with the anti-democratic nature of the Senate as conceived by the framers, means that progressive legislation only passes in rarely-occurring circumstances, such as after the end of a civil war, during a depression, and when the Democrats have an overwhelming advantage in both houses of Congress. The anti-democratic nature of the Senate is never discussed in the book, though it was responsible for foiling many of Kennedy's initiatives, such as health care and immigration reform.
The author even uses the silly phrase, the "nuclear option," when discussing proposals to amend the filibuster rule in connection with the confirmation of judges, as if it is somehow an outrage to have votes determined by the will of the majority.
The author does a good job showing how increased partisanship in the 1990s brought proceedings in Congress to a halt (possible only because of the antiquated rules that Kennedy never sought to reform), but overlooks the other big factor - money in politics. He briefly touches on the reduction of time of members in Congress in Washington because of the need to raise funds for re-election campaigns back home, but doesn't spend any time on the larger effects of the huge amounts of money spent by powerful donors to elect pliable representatives and influence legislation. The author goes into great detail on the drafting of legislation but pays little attention to the fact that much legislation is now drafted by lobbyists and members of Congress represent the interests of their donors to a much greater degree than they do the interests of their constituents.
The author also greatly exaggerated the effect of the election of Barack Obama, acting as if Obama's election ended the conservative wave and restored liberals to dominance in Washington. That obviously didn't happen. In fact, liberalism and democracy is in more danger today than at any time discussed in the book.
The book ends abruptly, without any summing up or analysis. That is fine, as there was ample analysis throughout the book. But a bit of a summary from the long view, particularly since the book came out more than a decade after Kennedy's death, may have been helpful to add some perspective.
A word on the narration by Joe Barrett. Barrett is a good reader and keeps the story moving. He tries to imitate the speaking styles of the various political figures who appear in the book when quoting them directly, and the results are often hilarious. He does ok with Kennedy, but his impressions of the voices of others are pretty bad. His Obama and his Lindsay Graham are pretty ludicrous. My advice for the future would be to just quote them, don't try to channel them.
Overall, a very good, informative book well worth reading. Imperfect, like it's subject, but valuable nevertheless.
August 30, 2025
Against the Wind continues the biographical exploration of Edward Kennedy, tracing his trajectory through the turbulent political landscape of the late twentieth century. The book examines Kennedy’s legislative accomplishments, his struggles with personal and public controversies, and his role both as a central figure within the Senate and as a symbolic heir to the Kennedy legacy. With careful attention to detail, Neal Gabler highlights the tension between Kennedy’s ambition and the burdens of expectation, offering a nuanced portrait of a politician whose career was as complex as it was consequential.
Reading this second installment proved to be more fluid than my earlier forays into political biography. I learned far more about Kennedy’s political life than I expected—about the compromises he had to strike, the challenges he endured, and the unique position he held within American politics. As I continue to read biographies of political figures, I find that the information is becoming easier for me to comprehend. The patterns of power, negotiation, and influence are slowly becoming clearer, even if I still feel at times overwhelmed by the scope of it all.
What makes this work compelling is its ability to balance narrative energy with political analysis. Kennedy emerges not as a figure of simplistic praise or criticism, but as a man negotiating the intersection of personal vulnerability and public duty. For a reader like myself—still learning the intricacies of politics—this balance made the text both accessible and thought-provoking.
Overall, Against the Wind is a demanding but deeply rewarding book. It is both engaging and intense, offering a rich understanding of Edward Kennedy’s political journey while underscoring the broader complexities of American governance. 
Reading this second installment proved to be more fluid than my earlier forays into political biography. I learned far more about Kennedy’s political life than I expected—about the compromises he had to strike, the challenges he endured, and the unique position he held within American politics. As I continue to read biographies of political figures, I find that the information is becoming easier for me to comprehend. The patterns of power, negotiation, and influence are slowly becoming clearer, even if I still feel at times overwhelmed by the scope of it all.
What makes this work compelling is its ability to balance narrative energy with political analysis. Kennedy emerges not as a figure of simplistic praise or criticism, but as a man negotiating the intersection of personal vulnerability and public duty. For a reader like myself—still learning the intricacies of politics—this balance made the text both accessible and thought-provoking.
Overall, Against the Wind is a demanding but deeply rewarding book. It is both engaging and intense, offering a rich understanding of Edward Kennedy’s political journey while underscoring the broader complexities of American governance. 
December 4, 2022
Having read Neil’s first book on the life of Ted Kennedy a while back, I was entranced by the way he writes his subject and was interested in seeing what happened next.
He does not disappoint - we learn about Ted’s failed presidential bid, the trials and tribulations of his drug-addicted children and wife, his decline in the 80s and 90s… and his revival in the 1990s, becoming the Lion of the Senate before Brain cancer finally took him in 2009.
As for criticisms, there were a couple of minor errors - for instance, the book claims that Bobby ran at the age of 46, even though he was actually 42. Plus, whilst the ending was good, considering the dire assessment of the opening, it would have been interesting for the author to discuss what had happened in the years since Ted’s death. At least we have the opening chapters of the previous book to serve as a substitute.
All in all, still a good book.
He does not disappoint - we learn about Ted’s failed presidential bid, the trials and tribulations of his drug-addicted children and wife, his decline in the 80s and 90s… and his revival in the 1990s, becoming the Lion of the Senate before Brain cancer finally took him in 2009.
As for criticisms, there were a couple of minor errors - for instance, the book claims that Bobby ran at the age of 46, even though he was actually 42. Plus, whilst the ending was good, considering the dire assessment of the opening, it would have been interesting for the author to discuss what had happened in the years since Ted’s death. At least we have the opening chapters of the previous book to serve as a substitute.
All in all, still a good book.
July 14, 2023
This is the second volume of the exhaustive biography of Edward Kennedy. It is well researched and provides a detailed look into Kennedy’s time in the Senate from 1976 – 2009. This is not the book for someone looking for a breezy, lightweight biography. It will provide detailed information for those who want to do a deep dive into the Senator’s life. I found it to be fascinating reading for me, but I am a Kennedy family reader.
I received a free Kindle copy of this book courtesy of Net Galley and the publisher with the understanding that I would post a review on Net Galley, Goodreads, Amazon and my nonfiction book review blog. I also posted it to my Facebook page.
I received a free Kindle copy of this book courtesy of Net Galley and the publisher with the understanding that I would post a review on Net Galley, Goodreads, Amazon and my nonfiction book review blog. I also posted it to my Facebook page.
May 22, 2023
A genuine masterpiece, and a sturdy reminder that what a person does over the course of their life can weigh the balance towards what is good, even in the presence of failures and mistakes. I found this account of Ted Kennedy's life to be moving, inspiring, fascinating, and a testament to what a person who seeks to do good can do.
May 19, 2023
Excellent biography.Thorough.
January 24, 2024
Thank you Crown Publishing for the free book. “Against the Wind” concludes the saga of a senator who, whatever his private failings, publicly followed a moral compass toward the greater good.
May 16, 2024
A magisterial biography of Ted Kennedy. This book looks at the last 33 years of Ted Kennedy life. Over all the book is informative about American politics in the 1970s through to the 2000s.
December 23, 2022
EMK.
hero.
the best kennedy.
hero.
the best kennedy.
October 19, 2023
This book looks at the last 33 year of Ted Kennedy’s life, as the US drifts increasingly rightward, and the poor, minorities, and those who the right “don’t speak to” are looked down on (if they don’t believe the things that the moral majority believe).
This book is a depressing read. The Democrats weren’t in power for long periods, so Kennedy had to battle for long periods to get things done. Even when they controlled the Presidency, or congress, or both, Kennedy’s liberalism battled his senatorial management skills to get things done. During these descriptions, we learn how the Senate works, and changed over the years.
Kennedy did get things done, but it felt like sometimes he… sold himself short on occasion, in his determination to get things done.
So overall, the book is informative about American politics in the 1970s through to the 2000s, but depressing because it’ll sometimes make you feel blah, because politics is supposed to be about doing the right thing, and Kennedy had to battle to do just that.
This book is a depressing read. The Democrats weren’t in power for long periods, so Kennedy had to battle for long periods to get things done. Even when they controlled the Presidency, or congress, or both, Kennedy’s liberalism battled his senatorial management skills to get things done. During these descriptions, we learn how the Senate works, and changed over the years.
Kennedy did get things done, but it felt like sometimes he… sold himself short on occasion, in his determination to get things done.
So overall, the book is informative about American politics in the 1970s through to the 2000s, but depressing because it’ll sometimes make you feel blah, because politics is supposed to be about doing the right thing, and Kennedy had to battle to do just that.
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