Written in the voice of the mythical atheist, naysayer, and general all-purpose heretic of Indian philosophy, The Truths and Lies of Nationalism as Narrated by Charvak presents a completely new way of telling the history of Indian nationalism. Severely criticizing the doctrines of both Hindu nationalism and pluralist secularism, it examines the ongoing debates over Indian civilization and recounts in detail how the present borders of India were defined by British colonial policy, the partition of 1947, and the integration of the princely states and the French and Portuguese territories. The emphasis is not so much on the state machinery inherited from colonial times but on the moral foundation of a new republic based on the solidarity of different but equal formations of the people. After a trenchant critique of the present-day conflicts over religion, caste, class, gender, language, and region in India, the book proposes a new politics of revitalized federalism. Intended for a general readership, and eschewing academic jargon, this book will be of interest to anyone concerned about the future of India.
Partha Chatterjee is a political theorist and historian. He studied at Presidency College in Calcutta, and received his Ph.D. from the University of Rochester. He divides his time between Columbia University and the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta, where he was the Director from 1997 to 2007. He is the author of more than twenty books, monographs and edited volumes and is a founding member of the Subaltern Studies Collective. He as awarded the Fukuoka Asian Culture Prize for 2009 for outstanding achievements in the field of Asian studies. He is also a poet, playwright, and actor. In the Mira Nair film The Namesake (2007), he played the role of “A Reformed Hindoo.”
Just finished reading and I should say i am mighty impressed!
This should be made compulsory education in all schools and colleges. It summarises the facts with such lucidity and is so erudite that if it can drive out the parochialism of regionalism, nationalism and of course casteism....even by a fraction...that would be a great service to ourselves as a nation and as a human race for our own progress.
It debunks, it clarifies and it de-mystifies nationalism and indeed drives sanity in such a polarisation!
I first read Partha Chatterjee during my university days. I found his writings on nationalism interesting but forbidding. Later, Chatterjee gave up the severely academic style of his early writing in favour of a more narrative approach. This book continues the trend. While this book is theoretically informed and backed by decades of research, it is written in an accessible and some what in formal style. The narrative device employed by Chatterjee is to have Charvak, legendary materialist philosopher of ancient India, as an all knowing narrator to expose some of the widely held myths about Indian nationalism. So in the place of a dry academic account, we have a lively and somewhat informal discussion of various issues. Nationalism is the feeling of fellowship that is shared by a nation, a people held together by affinities of religion, race, language or political views. Nations are often territorially based and aspire for sovereignty if not already sovereign. Scholars of nationalism now agree that national sentiments are the results of myths about the past unity and glory. Chatterjee argues that the modern Indian nation is not ancient. Its territorial boundaries are the result of historical contingencies especially British Colonialism. India’s territorial boundaries include several areas, such North Eastern region, Sikkim, Darjeeling, Ladakh, Andaman Islands, which were never part of any historical pan Indian empire. India’s northern boundaries are the outcome of competing imperial policies of Britain and China. Partition and integration of princely states resulted in several areas joining the Indian dominion willy nilly. So there is nothing sacred or timeless about India’s territorial limits. It is largely the result of a series of historical accidents. The people occupying this large territorial area speak numerous languages, religions and cultures. It is absurd to talk in terms of a homogeneous Indian culture. India is more accurately understood a s ‘federation of peoples’. Each of these peoples has a cultural integrity and historical identity going back centuries. To suggest that Sanskritic culture, Brahmanical religion and Sanskritist Hindi as the foundation of Indian national culture is absurd. India is far too complex and diverse. Efforts to centralise power and to dilute the federal character of Indian state are dangerous trends. Real potential of India can be achieved by strengthening the peoples of India through decentralisation of power. Progressive changes are better achieved by state governments that are in touch with the people. Unfortunately, in India today, a central government claiming to speak for the Indian nation is reducing states to mere ciphers. Chatterjee sees a conflict between a pan Indian elite (English speaking, upper-caste and consisting of the corporate Sector and metropolitan professional class) and state level elites. (small business owners, farmers, state level civil servants.) Unless this widening gap is fixed, Indian nation is not safe.
A book of two halves: the first is a brilliant deconstruction of hindu nationalism by breaking down claims of ancient indian states and by diving deep into the formation of the indian state. The second on the other hand is wishy washy liberal call to action to utilize decentralization of central power into state hands to combat the ascendant fascist hindutva. As all liberal responses, it is completely feckless in response to fascism.
Written as recounting of indian history and present by omipotent atheistic ancient indian spirit, the book is engaging and its arguments against the basic falsehoods of hindutva is very well done. It critiques any conception of india as a hindu nation state or as a pluralistic democracy, and instead lists the vast class (even though it seems allergic to using that word for some reason), caste, gender, ethnic, national and regional differences that exist within from independence to the present.
Yet, when proposing as a way forward, the book falls to a simplistic idea of devolving powers to state govts and a weak call for popular resistance. Somehow decentralization of power is supposed to handle the issues of caste, gender and class disparities, as the book does not provide any concrete method of how this would be achieved. Even critiquing history, it shows nehru and patels accommodation of the indian rajas, nawabs and landlords which ultimately hampered india to where it is today, but yet does not have the courage to come out and condemn it as the folly it was. The book also fails to delve into the CPI and other rother various big marxist parties along with the naxalites in India, and their development throughout indias history even though they had a considerable influence there.
In conclusion, what india needs is a cultural revolution and a regime that institutes land reform, an overhaul of gender, communal and caste norms, mass industrialization, and a subjugation of brahmin and hindu exceptionalism by the tips of the boyonets if need be.