A major analysis of how China is attempting to become a media and information superpower around the world, seeking to shape the politics, local media, and information environments of both East Asia and the World.
Since China's ascendancy toward major-power status began in the 1990s, many observers have focused on its economic growth and expanding military. China's ability was limited in projecting power over information and media and the infrastructure through which information flows. That has begun to change. Beijing's state-backed media, which once seemed incapable having a significant effect globally, has been overhauled and expanded. At a time when many democracies' media outlets are consolidating due to financial pressures, China's biggest state media outlets, like the newswire Xinhua, are modernizing, professionalizing, and expanding in attempt to reach an international audience. Overseas, Beijing also attempts to impact local media, civil society, and politics by having Chinese firms or individuals with close links buy up local media outlets, by signing content-sharing deals with local media, by expanding China's social media giants, and by controlling the wireless and wired technology through which information now flows, among other efforts.
In Beijing's Global Media Offensive --a major analysis of how China is attempting to build a media and information superpower around the world, and how this media power integrates with other forms of Chinese influence--Joshua Kurlantzick focuses on how all of this is playing out in both China's immediate neighborhood--Southeast Asia, Taiwan, Australia, and New Zealand--and also in the United States and many other parts of the world. He traces the ways in which China is trying to build an information and influence superpower, but also critically examines the new conventional wisdom that Beijing has enjoyed great success with these efforts. While China has worked hard to build a global media and information superpower, it often has failed to reap gains from its efforts, and has undermined itself with overly assertive, alienating diplomacy. Still, Kurlantzick contends, China's media, information and political influence campaigns will continue to expand and adapt, helping Beijing exports its political model and protect the ruling Party, and potentially damaging press freedoms, human rights, and democracy abroad. An authoritative account of how this sophisticated and multi-pronged campaign is unfolding, Beijing's Global Media Offensive provides a new window into China's attempts to make itself an information superpower.
Joshua Kurlantzick does an excellent job overviewing the broader changes in China's overseas media influence strategy over time, as well as highlighting the key tools Chinese leaders have wielded to sway leaders and ordinary citizens abroad. This book will allow you to better identify different techniques currently used by Chinese state and firm actors to shape China's global image, as well as how countries in general flex their soft power overseas.
This is the most detailed study on China's influence operations and disinformation campaign to date. Building on his previous book on China's Charm Offensive (2007), Kurlantzick outlines Beijing's global media influence and disinformation campaign in masterful fashion. This book book is a must-read for scholars of China, soft power, and disinformation more broadly.
Council on Foreign Relations' senior fellow Joshua Kurlantzick's new book, presents an in-depth analysis of China's efforts to expand its media influence worldwide. While the book provides valuable insights into Beijing's strategic media initiatives, it falls short in some critical aspects, limiting its overall impact and undermining its credibility. One of the book's strong points lies in its extensive research and documentation of China's media expansion. Kurlantzick adeptly traces the historical roots of China's media strategy and examines how it has evolved over time. He highlights the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) investments in state-owned media outlets such as Xinhua and CCTV, as well as its efforts to establish a global presence through platforms like CGTN (China Global Television Network) and China Radio International. This comprehensive analysis is commendable and sheds light on China's attempts to shape narratives and public opinion beyond its borders. However, the book suffers from an overly narrow focus on China's media initiatives, which detracts from a more holistic understanding of the country's broader soft power strategies. While media undoubtedly plays a crucial role in influencing opinions, especially in today's interconnected world, it is just one facet of China's multifaceted approach to global influence. A more comprehensive analysis of China's other soft power tools, such as cultural diplomacy, economic partnerships, and educational exchanges, would have provided a more well-rounded view of Beijing's influence campaign. Furthermore, the book occasionally lacks nuance in its portrayal of China's media activities. While it acknowledges the Chinese government's tight control over its state-run media, it sometimes portrays these outlets as monolithic propaganda machines with little differentiation between their various platforms. Overgeneralizations like these risk oversimplifying a complex and dynamic media landscape in China, where there are emerging private media companies and diverse viewpoints, albeit within strict boundaries set by the CCP. Another critical aspect that the book overlooks is the reception and impact of China's media initiatives in target countries. Understanding how different societies interpret and respond to China's media messaging is vital to assessing the effectiveness of Beijing's global media offensive. Unfortunately, Kurlantzick's analysis primarily remains focused on China's actions rather than the reactions and responses of other nations and their media ecosystems. Additionally, the book lacks a comparative perspective. Assessing China's media campaign without contrasting it with similar efforts by other countries, particularly the United States and Russia, limits the reader's ability to grasp the broader context of global media competition. A comparative analysis would have illuminated the uniqueness and scale of China's approach in relation to its peers. To gain a comprehensive understanding of China's soft power strategies, readers should complement this book with a broader examination of China's other means of influence in the global arena.
This is a deeply researched and informative book about a topic that's only starting to be taken seriously by the world. Kurlantzick is a precise and thoughtful writer. I particularly appreciated the nuance he brings to the most sensitive material: for example, a lesser writer might not have turned the microscope on the United States' and other democracies' flaws, or noted the way that pushback against China's foreign influence efforts has sometimes involved and provoked anti-Chinese racism. Kurlantzick also emphasizes the important, and often misunderstood, point that China's media offensive has not yet been very successful outside of the mainland.
I have to say, though, that many stylistic aspects bothered me. It comes across as a text that was researched and written in pieces, over many years. The information was explained disjointedly, rather than as a gradually elapsing narrative, and much was repeated ad nauseam, both over the course of the book and within individual paragraphs. It's possible that Kurlantzick intends not for the book to be read cover to cover, but rather for individual chapters to be used for research or educational purposes. But that doesn't fully explain why, for example, there would sometimes be a crucial summary sentence stuck in the middle of a random paragraph, rather than at the beginning, or even end, of the section.
Parts were much more polished (I loved the first few chapters, the very end, and some parts of the middle), but so much of it could have used additional rounds of editing. I was particularly frustrated by the paragraph sequences consisting of examples that were each generally no more than a sentence and demonstrated the exact same Chinese influence effort. Personally, I would have better retained fewer examples that were written as in-depth case studies. Or, if those list paragraphs were born of a desire to be comprehensive (understandable!), Kurlantzick could have, say, listed just the names of countries where a phenomenon occurred, rather than include dozens of long and similarly structured sentences in a row, restating the phenomenon but substituting a new country and media outlet name. Why not use serial sentences, like, "Such-and-such phenomenon is happening in X, Y, and Z places"? (Perhaps followed by a detailed illustration of one of them?)
I don't mean to sound like I hated the book. Far from it. This is a hugely important subject that gets a merited in-depth treatment here. Kurlantzick is a brilliant researcher and also an excellent writer, as is clear from parts of this text and many pieces I've read of his. But that made it all the more frustrating that so much of the book was so tedious. It didn't have to be. Anyway, I'd definitely recommend this to readers who are patient and interested in this important topic.
This is perhaps the most comprehensive and authoritative analysis of China's global influence campaign. It covers the internal dynamics as well as the external reception; the application and variation of China's strategy in different parts of the world; as well as detailed accounts of the decision-making, strategic agenda and policy implementation. Highly recommended for all China watchers. A must-read for anyone who wants to understand China's soft power influence and global media campaign.
An authoritative and invaluable account of China’s informational soft power efforts both regionally and globally. A critical text to help construct an irregular warfare strategy for a new era of great power competition.
This was an interesting book with several example cases. I found the cases of Australia, New Zealand and Thailand most interesting.
The book has 367 pages + notes and index, but it could have been shorter had it had less repetition.
I'm not sure whether I can complain about this since the book is openly linked to the Council of Foreign Relations (focusing mainly on USA's foreign policy)... But the book focused so much on the USA side of things that the USA could (or should) have been written on the title of the book alongside Beijing and Asia... In short, I expected the focus to be more on China and Asia (as the title suggests) than on the USA, so I was a bit disappointed.
Joshua Kurlantzick has written another important book. Chalked full of thoughtful insights and copious details, Beijing's Media offensive is the missing link in our understanding of one of the most underappreciated geopolitical phenomena of our time: China's use of information management and control to present itself a benign light while disparaging liberal democracies, especially United States. Kurlantzick's work explains how strategic motivations, not economic concerns, are now the main driver behind China's international engagement, especially with the Global South.