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Xi: A Study in Power
A timely political primer on Xi Jinping by acclaimed author and academic, Professor Kerry Brown Although Xi Jinping came to power a decade ago, he remains an enigmatic figure in the West. His priority has always been to keep Chinese society as stable as possible, steering a course through a period of astounding economic growth, while ensuring that nothing challenges the political status quo. But with unrest stirring in Hong Kong, reports of human rights abuses taking place in the Xinjiang region and, devastatingly, the outbreak of a virus that would change the world, suddenly understanding Xi’s China is more important than ever before. In this short and timely book, academic and author Kerry Brown will examine the complexities behind the man, explaining the impact that his rule is already having on the West. But who is Xi really, and what is his vision for China’s future? And, crucially, what does that mean for the rest of the world?
242 pages, Paperback
Published May 26, 2022
44 people are currently reading
505 people want to read
About the author
Kerry Brown
86 books76 followersKerry Brown is an author, columnist, Professor of Chinese Studies and Director of the Lau China Institute at King's College, London.
*From Kerry's Website.*: Prior to this he was the Professor of Chinese Politcs and Director of the China Studies Centre at the University of Sydney. He led the Europe China Research and Advice Network(ECRAN) funded by the European Union from 2011 to 2014. He is an Associate Fellow on the Asia Programme at Chatham House, London. His main interests are in the politics and society of modern China, in its international relations and its political economy.
Educated at Cambridge (MA), London (Post Graduate Diploma in Chinese with Distinction) and Leeds Universities (Ph D), he worked in Japan and the Inner Mongolian region of China,before joining the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in London in 1998. He worked in the China Section and then served as First Secretary, Beijing, from 2000 to 2003, and Head of the Indonesia East Timor Section at the FCO from 2003 to 2005.
Kerry Brown has been published in most major newspapers, commenting on China and Asia, including the New York Times, The Guardian, the Daily Telegraph, the Australian Financial Review, the Australian, the South China Morning Post, and the Financial Times. He has also been interviewed since 2006 by the BBC, Al Jazeera, CNN, Bloomberg, ABC and other outlets. He had undertaken consultancy for Mizuho Bank, BP, Oxford Analytica, Hakluyt, Tesco and other corporates.
*From Kerry's Website.*: Prior to this he was the Professor of Chinese Politcs and Director of the China Studies Centre at the University of Sydney. He led the Europe China Research and Advice Network(ECRAN) funded by the European Union from 2011 to 2014. He is an Associate Fellow on the Asia Programme at Chatham House, London. His main interests are in the politics and society of modern China, in its international relations and its political economy.
Educated at Cambridge (MA), London (Post Graduate Diploma in Chinese with Distinction) and Leeds Universities (Ph D), he worked in Japan and the Inner Mongolian region of China,before joining the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in London in 1998. He worked in the China Section and then served as First Secretary, Beijing, from 2000 to 2003, and Head of the Indonesia East Timor Section at the FCO from 2003 to 2005.
Kerry Brown has been published in most major newspapers, commenting on China and Asia, including the New York Times, The Guardian, the Daily Telegraph, the Australian Financial Review, the Australian, the South China Morning Post, and the Financial Times. He has also been interviewed since 2006 by the BBC, Al Jazeera, CNN, Bloomberg, ABC and other outlets. He had undertaken consultancy for Mizuho Bank, BP, Oxford Analytica, Hakluyt, Tesco and other corporates.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 36 reviews
October 17, 2022
"Xi is a problem for the world not because he is some old-style Communist dictator playing by the rule book of Stalin and Mao, but because he is an effective leader of a modernised economy, a modernising military, and a powerful modern state. Dismissing him with a lazy label helps no one."(10)
Kerry Brown is Professor of Chinese Studies, Director of the Lau China Institute at King’s College, Associate of the Asia Pacific Programme at Chatham House. As well as this, he has provided policy advice to the European External Action Service, and written plenty of books, articles, and essays on China. Brown therefore stands out as a very strong China scholar - at least in the English speaking academic scene.
Despite this great knowledge of China, its history, and its enigmatic leader Xi, Brown's book is much more of a primer and a journalistic overview of what motivates Xi, and why he is popular in contemporary China. Brown relies heavily on citations from English language articles, and aims more at providing a less cartoonish and slightly more defensive view of Xi than is typically presented in the mainstream Anglo press. Brown wants to provide his audience with an understanding of the leader of the biggest country, with the fastest growing economy, rather than serve up the a horror story of a ruthless dictator. It is for this reason I would only recommend this book for people who, like me, know very little about China and are perplexed by China's political system.
The standout points in this book for me were Xi's focus on the middle class in China, his reemphasis on China's ideological push (something that was relaxed during Hu and Jiang's tenure as leaders) and also Xi's background having come from an elite communist family to working in a labour camp in the countryside, politically and economically alienated. In fact, his reputation as a young man on the labour camp was so that it was said that you could see Xi up late studying with by candlelight whilst his comrades slept. It is these experiences, Brown argues, that shape Xi's drive for modernisation and the narrowing of China's extreme wealth and geographical inequality.
It should also be noted that an official biography of Xi will likely not be released for many years. Political pressures won't allow for the kind of insightful doorstopper biographies of Great Leaders that we are accustomed to. So, for the uninitiated, this brief volume will suffice for the next few years...
Kerry Brown is Professor of Chinese Studies, Director of the Lau China Institute at King’s College, Associate of the Asia Pacific Programme at Chatham House. As well as this, he has provided policy advice to the European External Action Service, and written plenty of books, articles, and essays on China. Brown therefore stands out as a very strong China scholar - at least in the English speaking academic scene.
Despite this great knowledge of China, its history, and its enigmatic leader Xi, Brown's book is much more of a primer and a journalistic overview of what motivates Xi, and why he is popular in contemporary China. Brown relies heavily on citations from English language articles, and aims more at providing a less cartoonish and slightly more defensive view of Xi than is typically presented in the mainstream Anglo press. Brown wants to provide his audience with an understanding of the leader of the biggest country, with the fastest growing economy, rather than serve up the a horror story of a ruthless dictator. It is for this reason I would only recommend this book for people who, like me, know very little about China and are perplexed by China's political system.
The standout points in this book for me were Xi's focus on the middle class in China, his reemphasis on China's ideological push (something that was relaxed during Hu and Jiang's tenure as leaders) and also Xi's background having come from an elite communist family to working in a labour camp in the countryside, politically and economically alienated. In fact, his reputation as a young man on the labour camp was so that it was said that you could see Xi up late studying with by candlelight whilst his comrades slept. It is these experiences, Brown argues, that shape Xi's drive for modernisation and the narrowing of China's extreme wealth and geographical inequality.
It should also be noted that an official biography of Xi will likely not be released for many years. Political pressures won't allow for the kind of insightful doorstopper biographies of Great Leaders that we are accustomed to. So, for the uninitiated, this brief volume will suffice for the next few years...
October 10, 2025
Like many, I’m fascinated by Xi Jinping’s almost unprecedented rise. I was particularly interested in how the book would explain his dramatic life arc the "sine wave"(as I would like to view it) of going from a privileged "princeling" (the son of a high-ranking officia) to a hard laborer in the countryside, and then back up to the supreme leader of China.
His Initial life:
While all the other ambitious guys were in Beijing elbowing each other for the top spot, you know like sharks fighting over a single sardin, Xi was busy practicing the art of being boring.
He spent decades patiently climbing the ladder out in the province, making sure his resume was sturdy, but never flashy. This quiet, nose-to-the-grindstone routine made him look utterly non-threatening. The older party leaders thought, "Great! This guy’s so dull, he'll be the perfect puppet! We can finally put our feet up."
They picked him in 2012, convinced they had chosen the least exciting option. Turns out, the humble bureaucrat was actually a political chess grandmaster who'd just spent thirty years setting a trap.
Where the book falls short for me is in its depth. Given how much of a political enigma Xi remains, I felt the book could have done more research in certain points to try and peel back the layers of the official party narrative. Because Xi gives no interviews and his inner life is so obscured, the book often feels like it's analyzing the function of the Party’s top leader, rather than the man himself.
His Initial life:
While all the other ambitious guys were in Beijing elbowing each other for the top spot, you know like sharks fighting over a single sardin, Xi was busy practicing the art of being boring.
He spent decades patiently climbing the ladder out in the province, making sure his resume was sturdy, but never flashy. This quiet, nose-to-the-grindstone routine made him look utterly non-threatening. The older party leaders thought, "Great! This guy’s so dull, he'll be the perfect puppet! We can finally put our feet up."
They picked him in 2012, convinced they had chosen the least exciting option. Turns out, the humble bureaucrat was actually a political chess grandmaster who'd just spent thirty years setting a trap.
Where the book falls short for me is in its depth. Given how much of a political enigma Xi remains, I felt the book could have done more research in certain points to try and peel back the layers of the official party narrative. Because Xi gives no interviews and his inner life is so obscured, the book often feels like it's analyzing the function of the Party’s top leader, rather than the man himself.
July 4, 2022
Very readable and insightful.
September 5, 2023
Having lived many years in various parts of Africa, studied and published on the continent, I was used to the same ethnocentric and stereotypical questions about the continent of “disease, famine and civil war” in the same way that Keyu Jin (The New China Playbook) was tired of Americans asking her about China’s Communist oppression and the police surveillance state. In the same vein, Kerry Brown has set out to provide nuance to the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) most powerful leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since 1949: Xi Jinping.
Studies on Xi that portray him as a monolith, “Chairman of Everything”, according to Brown, are a skewed analysis, missing the point that the PRC autocracy of 2012 created the conditions for Xi’s power status as much as Xi himself took careful advantage of China’s now global economic, military and diplomatic prowess. It was the PRC that made the man, and not the other way around. Xi stepped in to power in 2012 (the exact process which to this day is still somewhat murky) and took the reins of a state that looked very different from that in the time of Mao. The PRC of 2012 was itching to break into its own and Xi, according to Brown, simply used and modified the CCP, which is both vehicle and deity, to achieve the Chinese dream.
Brown’s synopsis of Xi is a biography and an analysis, putting his readers in the seat from the PRC vantage looking out at its Western competition, their democratic challenges, economic frustrations and counter-COVID strategies. Brown’s approach is not academic but he instead takes a discursive approach to CCP and Xi from what one might expect a diplomat informing the Home Office to do.
Brown admits that Xi’s legacy and story is a carefully crafted and controlled project meant to prop up the CCP and define its role as god and China’s protector. The CCP machination projects Xi as an erudite of meager means, a book worm from his youth who eventually achieved a PhD in Marxist legal theory from Tsinghua University. Other commentary on Xi has noted that Xi’s own claimed diverse reading list including French philosophers, Clausewitz and Kissinger, is ironic in that it is not meant to encourage an open mind or thought debates from PRC citizens. Whatever the case, “Xi Thought” has gained superior status to Mao’s Red Book, creating a legacy of Xi’s power and influence.
“A Study in Power” provides short chapters covering the main stages of Xi’s climb though political posts as a young man in rural Xaanxi, then filling various positions in Fujian, followed by Zheijiang before achieving access to the central decision making bodies.
Under Xi, interesting phenomena have taken place. China has become more transparent in its foreign policy while national political discourse less so. Brown argues that not only does Xi state his foreign policy strategy more forcefully than his predecessors ever did but his contemporary counterparts in the West, if still high profile, were distracted by internal rifts and other foreign policy quagmires like Islamist terrorism, BREXIT and Russia balancing.
But Xi’s counter-corruption campaigns, also resulting in cadre cleanings, ensured his own political power while creating a lifeless, compliant and weak competition to his aspirations (pg. 141). Xi chattered the long-term prediction of the CCP’s demise but still left the future concept of CCP leadership transition in question.
Xi’s leadership style contrasts with many of his competitors. He opposed long speeches, showy slogans and ridiculed those who could not empathize with the “masses”, the core of CCP’s legacy. Long before he was insulated from political reprisals in 2012, Brown demonstrates through Xi’s earlier short speeches, writings and statements that he had formed a strategic, long-term environmental and social vision. Unlike his predecessors, Xi had traveled extensively abroad during his posting to Beijing prior to 2012. Also, unlike his predecessors, he had no foreign language capability. As many other writers have noted, Xi’s career performance leading to 2012 was simply adequate. Brown notes that his writings tell a more ambitious story.
Under Xi’s “comprehensive leadership” China has become more transparent and straightforward, just not in the direction that the rest of the world may have wanted or predicted. As survey data on Chinese nationals has demonstrated, the Chinese human rights and personal freedom heroes of the international press are unknowns to most PRC citizens in China. Worse, they are considered separatists and agitators. CCP is a massive information operations machine, curating its leaders and shaping public opinion; a task that requires greater and deeper state controls like national espionage laws that require the complicity of local and foreign-based PRC companies.
Where Brown’s otherwise gripping approach sometimes goes wrong is in taking a rare vignette to prove a wider point. For example, Brown uses the approved CCP publication of a cartoon caricature of Xi to conclude that Xi is less touchy than his processor Hu (pg. 38). A.A. Milne might beg to differ.
This short book is very good, assumes additional background knowledge of the reader but is accessible to all. Some China specialists would warn against pandering to Xi’s penchant for power and prestige, which runs the risk of a self-fulfilling prophecy. In contrast, Brown admits that Xi is already at the top with a power that deserves the world’s watchful, expectant if slightly anxious eyes.
Studies on Xi that portray him as a monolith, “Chairman of Everything”, according to Brown, are a skewed analysis, missing the point that the PRC autocracy of 2012 created the conditions for Xi’s power status as much as Xi himself took careful advantage of China’s now global economic, military and diplomatic prowess. It was the PRC that made the man, and not the other way around. Xi stepped in to power in 2012 (the exact process which to this day is still somewhat murky) and took the reins of a state that looked very different from that in the time of Mao. The PRC of 2012 was itching to break into its own and Xi, according to Brown, simply used and modified the CCP, which is both vehicle and deity, to achieve the Chinese dream.
Brown’s synopsis of Xi is a biography and an analysis, putting his readers in the seat from the PRC vantage looking out at its Western competition, their democratic challenges, economic frustrations and counter-COVID strategies. Brown’s approach is not academic but he instead takes a discursive approach to CCP and Xi from what one might expect a diplomat informing the Home Office to do.
Brown admits that Xi’s legacy and story is a carefully crafted and controlled project meant to prop up the CCP and define its role as god and China’s protector. The CCP machination projects Xi as an erudite of meager means, a book worm from his youth who eventually achieved a PhD in Marxist legal theory from Tsinghua University. Other commentary on Xi has noted that Xi’s own claimed diverse reading list including French philosophers, Clausewitz and Kissinger, is ironic in that it is not meant to encourage an open mind or thought debates from PRC citizens. Whatever the case, “Xi Thought” has gained superior status to Mao’s Red Book, creating a legacy of Xi’s power and influence.
“A Study in Power” provides short chapters covering the main stages of Xi’s climb though political posts as a young man in rural Xaanxi, then filling various positions in Fujian, followed by Zheijiang before achieving access to the central decision making bodies.
Under Xi, interesting phenomena have taken place. China has become more transparent in its foreign policy while national political discourse less so. Brown argues that not only does Xi state his foreign policy strategy more forcefully than his predecessors ever did but his contemporary counterparts in the West, if still high profile, were distracted by internal rifts and other foreign policy quagmires like Islamist terrorism, BREXIT and Russia balancing.
But Xi’s counter-corruption campaigns, also resulting in cadre cleanings, ensured his own political power while creating a lifeless, compliant and weak competition to his aspirations (pg. 141). Xi chattered the long-term prediction of the CCP’s demise but still left the future concept of CCP leadership transition in question.
Xi’s leadership style contrasts with many of his competitors. He opposed long speeches, showy slogans and ridiculed those who could not empathize with the “masses”, the core of CCP’s legacy. Long before he was insulated from political reprisals in 2012, Brown demonstrates through Xi’s earlier short speeches, writings and statements that he had formed a strategic, long-term environmental and social vision. Unlike his predecessors, Xi had traveled extensively abroad during his posting to Beijing prior to 2012. Also, unlike his predecessors, he had no foreign language capability. As many other writers have noted, Xi’s career performance leading to 2012 was simply adequate. Brown notes that his writings tell a more ambitious story.
Under Xi’s “comprehensive leadership” China has become more transparent and straightforward, just not in the direction that the rest of the world may have wanted or predicted. As survey data on Chinese nationals has demonstrated, the Chinese human rights and personal freedom heroes of the international press are unknowns to most PRC citizens in China. Worse, they are considered separatists and agitators. CCP is a massive information operations machine, curating its leaders and shaping public opinion; a task that requires greater and deeper state controls like national espionage laws that require the complicity of local and foreign-based PRC companies.
Where Brown’s otherwise gripping approach sometimes goes wrong is in taking a rare vignette to prove a wider point. For example, Brown uses the approved CCP publication of a cartoon caricature of Xi to conclude that Xi is less touchy than his processor Hu (pg. 38). A.A. Milne might beg to differ.
This short book is very good, assumes additional background knowledge of the reader but is accessible to all. Some China specialists would warn against pandering to Xi’s penchant for power and prestige, which runs the risk of a self-fulfilling prophecy. In contrast, Brown admits that Xi is already at the top with a power that deserves the world’s watchful, expectant if slightly anxious eyes.
October 9, 2025
It read like a drawn-out Wikipedia article with some personal commentary thrown in for good measure. The analysis was superficial for such a complex and enigmatic figure. A lot of it dealt with the hypothetical; Xi might have done or could do this. This contributed to the feeling of indefiniteness that pervaded the whole book.
1.5/5
1.5/5
September 26, 2022
President Xi: such an interesting man, leader of a fascinating nation. I really enjoyed this book and found it very informative. In lesser hands, the lack of readily available information about this subject would be a real difficulty, but this author handled that pretty well. The reason this was possible is because of his deep and abiding interest in China, and it includes much of his own personal experience. The author does a really good job at extrapolating what we do know to make some solid guesses about what we don't know, and to my mind these really seem quite supportable and reasonable. One of the things that is most interesting about Chinese culture, particularly their political environment, is how much it relies on secrecy – and the maintenance of that secrecy – for its operation. I'm very interested to see have a next few years with China unfold. I confess that in the past been worried about the prospect of war with China, but after this reading this book, these concerns have been somewhat ameliorated; I feel that the world is big enough for China to exist alongside other nations, as long as China garners respect it deserves. Although I have (strong) disagreements with some elements of Chinese policy, this isn't enough for me to withhold that respect.
The book has piqued my interest in China, and I am going to read some other books on the subject. However, this book is a strong recommendation from me.
The book has piqued my interest in China, and I am going to read some other books on the subject. However, this book is a strong recommendation from me.
April 19, 2023
A fantastic analysis of the background of President Xi, his goals, motivations, and accomplishments. From a British embassy diplomat with time in country and translated speeches, the insights are relevant and helpful for anyone looking to understand modern China. I would highly recommend this book to anyone planning to visit China and those studying modern history as well.
May 21, 2024
A delightfully compact overview of Xi Jinping and Chinese politics but it does leave many (basic) questions unanswered and a crave for more information.
October 30, 2024
Brown presents Xi Jinping as the most powerful leader since Mao, but this isn’t just about title-holding. Through strategic Party appointments and a calculated anti-corruption campaign, Xi has strengthened his influence remarkably quickly. Brown sees the anti-corruption drive as more of a power grab than anything else—an intriguing and rather provocative stance that makes for engaging reading, even if it might be a bit dramatic at times.
One of Brown’s main arguments is that Xi’s leadership revolves around keeping China steady and reinforcing Communist Party control. There’s little focus on actual reform here; instead, Brown interprets Xi’s policies as ways to ensure stability and contain any possible dissent. This take sheds light on the “why” behind many of Xi’s decisions, though it does give the impression that Brown sees Xi’s reforms as more cosmetic than substantive.
Brown’s analysis, while insightful, occasionally feels confined by a Western-centric view. It’s like reading a commentary filtered through a lens that’s a bit too focused on U.S. foreign policy concerns, leaving me curious about what a more balanced perspective might reveal about Xi’s motivations and methods. This U.S.-centric perspective sometimes feels like a limitation in truly capturing Xi's impact and aims.
For anyone looking to understand the extent of Xi’s power within China, Brown’s book is a solid and critical resource. While he might amplify certain aspects of Xi’s rule, Brown’s take is a compelling read that dives deeply into Xi's consolidation of authority. If you’re interested in how China’s internal workings function under Xi, Xi: A Study in Power is worth a look, even if you take some of the more sensational points with a grain of salt.
One of Brown’s main arguments is that Xi’s leadership revolves around keeping China steady and reinforcing Communist Party control. There’s little focus on actual reform here; instead, Brown interprets Xi’s policies as ways to ensure stability and contain any possible dissent. This take sheds light on the “why” behind many of Xi’s decisions, though it does give the impression that Brown sees Xi’s reforms as more cosmetic than substantive.
Brown’s analysis, while insightful, occasionally feels confined by a Western-centric view. It’s like reading a commentary filtered through a lens that’s a bit too focused on U.S. foreign policy concerns, leaving me curious about what a more balanced perspective might reveal about Xi’s motivations and methods. This U.S.-centric perspective sometimes feels like a limitation in truly capturing Xi's impact and aims.
For anyone looking to understand the extent of Xi’s power within China, Brown’s book is a solid and critical resource. While he might amplify certain aspects of Xi’s rule, Brown’s take is a compelling read that dives deeply into Xi's consolidation of authority. If you’re interested in how China’s internal workings function under Xi, Xi: A Study in Power is worth a look, even if you take some of the more sensational points with a grain of salt.
November 12, 2022
interesting overview about one of the most important people alive - about his background, upbringing, career and personality.
December 24, 2022
i picked up this book randomly at the bookstore because the cover looked interesting and the ccp congress had just happened which cemented xi’s third term in power.
i had realized how little i actually knew about the government my parents came from, one that was increasingly important in the modern world.
i also realized how much of my perspective was shaped by western mainstream media, one that unilaterally demonizes the chinese government.
i learned a lot from this book, but felt like it was itself also incredibly biased in favor of xi jin ping. a lot was said about how xi lifted an entire country out of poverty but the human rights atrocities were basically glossed over. more so anyone who has actually lived in china knows that poverty hasnt been eliminated but rather the government doesnt let the world see those who are impoverished.
for anyone interested in learning more about chinese history, this is a very okay place to start. the facts provided are helpful to understand chinas growth and history. not great, not horrible, biased, and by the end, quite repetitive.
i had realized how little i actually knew about the government my parents came from, one that was increasingly important in the modern world.
i also realized how much of my perspective was shaped by western mainstream media, one that unilaterally demonizes the chinese government.
i learned a lot from this book, but felt like it was itself also incredibly biased in favor of xi jin ping. a lot was said about how xi lifted an entire country out of poverty but the human rights atrocities were basically glossed over. more so anyone who has actually lived in china knows that poverty hasnt been eliminated but rather the government doesnt let the world see those who are impoverished.
for anyone interested in learning more about chinese history, this is a very okay place to start. the facts provided are helpful to understand chinas growth and history. not great, not horrible, biased, and by the end, quite repetitive.
July 2, 2025
“Xi: A Study in Power” offers a compact yet insightful profile of Xi Jinping, tracing his journey from a princeling child who endured persecution during the Cultural Revolution to becoming China’s most powerful leader since Mao. The Author examines how Xi has centralized control—through anti-corruption campaigns, reinforcement of “Xi Jinping Thought” in the Communist Party, and ideological shifts—balancing economic growth and political stability at home while asserting a more confident and sometimes aggressive posture abroad. Though not delving into sensational personal scandals, the book paints Xi as a political operator who carefully engineers narratives to maintain legitimacy, clamp down on dissent (from Xinjiang to Hong Kong), and safeguard the Party's dominance. It serves as an accessible primer for readers looking to grasp Xi’s vision for China and its implications for global dynamics.
October 5, 2022
Although a book that includes a lot of first-hand information on China and its more recent developments, this is neither a biography or personal analysis of Xi and his political qualities and achievements (as I had assumed), nor a reasonably complete overview of what happened in China since Xi was born.
Technically, the book would be more readable if it had more structure, possibly with reference to political topics or shorter historic time intervals (the author discusses events separated in decade-long, overlapping time brackets).
Not enough is said to explain how there can be so limited information on Xi, why so many developments are described without specifying how and if Xi influenced them, what his more detailed actions and opinions have been, etc.
So you end up with the strong desire to learn more about Xi Jinping, not entirely satisfied with what you just read.
Technically, the book would be more readable if it had more structure, possibly with reference to political topics or shorter historic time intervals (the author discusses events separated in decade-long, overlapping time brackets).
Not enough is said to explain how there can be so limited information on Xi, why so many developments are described without specifying how and if Xi influenced them, what his more detailed actions and opinions have been, etc.
So you end up with the strong desire to learn more about Xi Jinping, not entirely satisfied with what you just read.
October 29, 2025
The Autocrat, The Party, & The Great China Narrative
"Xi is a man of faith, and that it [is] th[is] quality and intensity of faith that has taken him to where he is today"
"If Xi is an autocrat, it is because he is serving autocratic aims. There must be total fidelity to the great cause of making China great again"
Kerry Brown, an academic and former British diplomat to China and the Far-East, has written a solid introductory biography on Xi Jinping, the enigmatic leader of modern-day China.
The book traces Xi's beginnings as a CCP princeling, born to a high-ranking member of the original generation of Chinese communist revolutionaries. It chronicles his fathers fall from grace with Mao in the mid-60's, with Xi himself departing for the countryside after one of Mao's emperor like edicts in 1968. It takes us through his time in the countryside where he was to live with the 'common' people till 1975, following which he attended university and later served as assistant to a major People's Liberation Army leader.
It was at this point, in 1985, that Xi decided to pivot into civilian governance, working his way up the Fujian province, a 'special-economic zone' (SEZ) with a capitalist market system and separate legal structure. Xi worked his way up to governor of the province, a position he was to remain in for 2 years until 2002, when he was made Secretary-General of the Party for the Zhejiang province, another SEZ. It was his time spent here that Xi was exposed to both the wonders (eg. economic growth, prosperity, innovation etc.) and woes (eg. rampant inequality, corruption etc.) of capitalism. It was during his Zhejiang years, from 2002 to 2007, where Xi developed the tenets of what he considered China needed for its ultimate rejuvenation: continuing economic reform and growth, reforming the CCP cadres to cater more to needs of the people, to eliminate corruption from the ranks of the party.
It was in 2007 that Xi was elevated to the 7-man Standing Committee of the Politburo, the pinnacle of Chinese politics. His ascension, the author notes, was not a result of brilliant governance or administration–though he was quite competent in that regard–but rather, due to the purity of his convictions, his aversion from the spoils of temptation and corruption, and his unwavering belief in the Party to impel China forward. Xi was a believer in both the Great Chinese Narrative, and the Party being the sole means to achieve this aim–the Party, without which China would descend into factionalism and in-fighting, right as the nation was on the precipice of realising its ambitions. It was this belief in the centrality of the Party to this great national mission that we see the seeds of some of Xi's more repressive policies when he assumes leadership of the country: from the Uyghurs to Hong Kong, to Chinese low-level dissidents and outspoken billionaires.
In 2012, Xi was elevated to the Presidency, beating out some of his more charismatic opponents like Bo Xillai, an interesting and remarkable figure on his own. Once in power, Xi made tremendous–and successful–efforts to clean-up corruption, promote economic growth, improve the judiciary and the rule of law. He also reformed and improved the training of new CCP cadres, making them more ideologically aligned and community-centred. Xi also shifted his outlook beyond the borders of China, ultimately promulgating the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which the author notes is "foreign policy par excellence".
China, under Xi, now stands as only one of two global Superpowers. It is under him that the dream of realising the 'China Dream' have now become possible. The great cause of national rejuvenation which stirred Mao and the communists in the early 1920's was being brought to fruition by Xi nearly a century later.
It is interesting to note the context Prof. Brown places Xi in as well. He is not made out to be some trailblazing political maverick; on the contrary, Xi is seen as a consummate party-man and a true-believer in the Party. The Great Narrative of national rejuvenation holds an important place in China's collective national consciousness, and the CCP sees itself as the custodians of this dream–they will deliver it to fruition. Xi is a loyal servant committed to this aim, not a rogue political reformer. It is his commitment to these aims that has taken Xi up to where he is today. This is an interesting take on Xi. This characterisation has been contested recently by scholars, especially following Xi's purges in 2024. I remain interested in discovering Xi myself, and whether Prof. Brown's Xi measures up to the one I discover myself.
This books, in my view, also serves as a good primer on Chinese political history in general. It not only gives us background on the political history of China, from the days of Mao to Deng, and then onwards to Jiang and Hu, but also in regards to how the CCP views itself and operates as a party. This book, to someone entirely uninitiated in Chinese history, such as myself, may serve well in providing the basic bearing needed to navigate this interesting domain of study.
For all the books merits, it does have some flaws. Chief among them is the way information is presented, with each chapter, though focused on a specific time-period, being too unfocused and lacking a central, coherent theme. Moreover, given the length of this book (a meagre 225 pages of text), it becomes quite difficult to really develop and dive into all the substantive elements of Xi and his times. As such, one may find the book lacking in some substance. All-in-all, however, this book serves as a solid introduction to Xi, the Party which he serves, and the ultimate aim towards which they strive.
[Solid-Strong 3 Stars]
"Xi is a man of faith, and that it [is] th[is] quality and intensity of faith that has taken him to where he is today"
"If Xi is an autocrat, it is because he is serving autocratic aims. There must be total fidelity to the great cause of making China great again"
Kerry Brown, an academic and former British diplomat to China and the Far-East, has written a solid introductory biography on Xi Jinping, the enigmatic leader of modern-day China.
The book traces Xi's beginnings as a CCP princeling, born to a high-ranking member of the original generation of Chinese communist revolutionaries. It chronicles his fathers fall from grace with Mao in the mid-60's, with Xi himself departing for the countryside after one of Mao's emperor like edicts in 1968. It takes us through his time in the countryside where he was to live with the 'common' people till 1975, following which he attended university and later served as assistant to a major People's Liberation Army leader.
It was at this point, in 1985, that Xi decided to pivot into civilian governance, working his way up the Fujian province, a 'special-economic zone' (SEZ) with a capitalist market system and separate legal structure. Xi worked his way up to governor of the province, a position he was to remain in for 2 years until 2002, when he was made Secretary-General of the Party for the Zhejiang province, another SEZ. It was his time spent here that Xi was exposed to both the wonders (eg. economic growth, prosperity, innovation etc.) and woes (eg. rampant inequality, corruption etc.) of capitalism. It was during his Zhejiang years, from 2002 to 2007, where Xi developed the tenets of what he considered China needed for its ultimate rejuvenation: continuing economic reform and growth, reforming the CCP cadres to cater more to needs of the people, to eliminate corruption from the ranks of the party.
It was in 2007 that Xi was elevated to the 7-man Standing Committee of the Politburo, the pinnacle of Chinese politics. His ascension, the author notes, was not a result of brilliant governance or administration–though he was quite competent in that regard–but rather, due to the purity of his convictions, his aversion from the spoils of temptation and corruption, and his unwavering belief in the Party to impel China forward. Xi was a believer in both the Great Chinese Narrative, and the Party being the sole means to achieve this aim–the Party, without which China would descend into factionalism and in-fighting, right as the nation was on the precipice of realising its ambitions. It was this belief in the centrality of the Party to this great national mission that we see the seeds of some of Xi's more repressive policies when he assumes leadership of the country: from the Uyghurs to Hong Kong, to Chinese low-level dissidents and outspoken billionaires.
In 2012, Xi was elevated to the Presidency, beating out some of his more charismatic opponents like Bo Xillai, an interesting and remarkable figure on his own. Once in power, Xi made tremendous–and successful–efforts to clean-up corruption, promote economic growth, improve the judiciary and the rule of law. He also reformed and improved the training of new CCP cadres, making them more ideologically aligned and community-centred. Xi also shifted his outlook beyond the borders of China, ultimately promulgating the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which the author notes is "foreign policy par excellence".
China, under Xi, now stands as only one of two global Superpowers. It is under him that the dream of realising the 'China Dream' have now become possible. The great cause of national rejuvenation which stirred Mao and the communists in the early 1920's was being brought to fruition by Xi nearly a century later.
It is interesting to note the context Prof. Brown places Xi in as well. He is not made out to be some trailblazing political maverick; on the contrary, Xi is seen as a consummate party-man and a true-believer in the Party. The Great Narrative of national rejuvenation holds an important place in China's collective national consciousness, and the CCP sees itself as the custodians of this dream–they will deliver it to fruition. Xi is a loyal servant committed to this aim, not a rogue political reformer. It is his commitment to these aims that has taken Xi up to where he is today. This is an interesting take on Xi. This characterisation has been contested recently by scholars, especially following Xi's purges in 2024. I remain interested in discovering Xi myself, and whether Prof. Brown's Xi measures up to the one I discover myself.
This books, in my view, also serves as a good primer on Chinese political history in general. It not only gives us background on the political history of China, from the days of Mao to Deng, and then onwards to Jiang and Hu, but also in regards to how the CCP views itself and operates as a party. This book, to someone entirely uninitiated in Chinese history, such as myself, may serve well in providing the basic bearing needed to navigate this interesting domain of study.
For all the books merits, it does have some flaws. Chief among them is the way information is presented, with each chapter, though focused on a specific time-period, being too unfocused and lacking a central, coherent theme. Moreover, given the length of this book (a meagre 225 pages of text), it becomes quite difficult to really develop and dive into all the substantive elements of Xi and his times. As such, one may find the book lacking in some substance. All-in-all, however, this book serves as a solid introduction to Xi, the Party which he serves, and the ultimate aim towards which they strive.
[Solid-Strong 3 Stars]
October 30, 2022
Kerry Brown is a Kings College (London) Professor of Chinese Studies and author of XI: A Study in Power. A handy novella-size biography, it makes a valuable starting point for understanding XI Jinping and his prominence in China today. Analysing Xi’s rise to the top, his patriotism and his sole focus on ensuring the prevalence of the Chinese Communist Party are foremost in this study. An easy read with footnotes, a handy Index and an Afterword titled - Who is Xi? Its readable, concise size makes this a handy resource with a three and a half star rating. As always, the opinions herein are totally my own and freely given.
November 4, 2022
Definitely a primer, there wasn't too much new information but it was good to get some more basic info on President Xi. Think it would be best for people who have little to no knowledge of Chinese politics. Found that there was some areas where the book felt almost not redrafted? Like it was written very quickly.
November 6, 2024
Definitely an interesting read. A fair balance is struck to make this quite an objective take on Xi.
Maybe I wanted something more in depth but then again, that’s on me as this is more of a primer book.
There seems to be a lack of info on some parts of Xi but that might be down to him being increasingly insular. 🤷♂️
Maybe I wanted something more in depth but then again, that’s on me as this is more of a primer book.
There seems to be a lack of info on some parts of Xi but that might be down to him being increasingly insular. 🤷♂️
October 15, 2025
A mixed bag. It starts out coherent enough, sketching the rise of Xi Jinping and describing the context in which he operated, but it grows increasingly flustered and scattershot as it approaches more recent years. It becomes oddly repetitive for such a short book, as well, giving the impression that Brown ran out of good sources but didn't want to end the book just yet.
September 28, 2022
typical western view of an Asian country's leader. Just by reading the sources for chapter six, basically all of them are media sites in Japan, US, Taipei, Hong Kong, "close friends" with US, maybe be more diverse in terms of media selection?
December 11, 2023
An interesting, if simple, look at modern China from an author with a strong writing style. While light on substance it makes for a good look at how China has developed and is more sympathetic than many western books. 6/10
November 4, 2024
A primer on the life of Xi Jinping, which although superficially informative, regularly crosses the line into hagiography. As a book for those who know zero about the leader of China, it's better than nothing, but for those looking for a balanced critique, you would be better off looking elsewhere.
February 27, 2023
Very accessible and interesting look at modern China. Definitely serves as a starting point for the less informed to begin their exploration of China.
February 27, 2023
‘We are all Xi’s audience now’.
March 11, 2023
Good overview - there were some topics that I wished he went in more depth about but feel like I gained a basic understanding of what Xi is shooting for
May 11, 2023
Overall a good read - concise, interesting and provides a pretty measured view of an often over simplified narrative. However, arguably a little too sympathetic to Xi in places.
May 16, 2023
A good high level overview or president Xi’s motivations for power.
July 23, 2023
Interessante duik in Xi’s eigen denken.
September 10, 2023
bit repetitive
November 8, 2023
The man who would be emperor unpacked by a close observer in this concise gem.
January 15, 2024
Barely disguised party line presented as inside information. Not useless, but not to be used as a single source.
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