Their similarities were considerable, starting with their ages (Monica was twenty-two, Paula twenty-four) and their personalities--both bubbly, outgoing, and friendly. They also lacked talent, learning, wit, great beauty, interest in the outside world, or knowledge of politics. The most important thing they shared was an apparent sexual availability. Clinton told his trooper Danny Ferguson that Paula had "that come-hither look." Lewinsky just said to Clinton, Come hither.
A Vast Conspiracy has not aged well.
It would be wrong to say that this is a bad book. The first few chapters are painfully dry, but once Toobin (yes, that Toobin) reaches Clinton's affair with Monica Lewinsky, the story finds it's footing and begins to fly by. At about the halfway mark, Toobin finally gets sick of Clinton's chronic, borderline-sociopathic lying and takes a more objective approach towards covering the 42nd president. Prior to then, A Vast Conspiracy has a strongly partisan good guys vs. bad guys narrative. The good guys are the Clintons and their supporters. The bad guys are anyone who oppose the Clintons (i.e. Republicans) or have damaged their image in some way (Monica). If anything, A Vast Conspiracy is as much a review of the Clinton impeachment scandal as it is a monument to how liberals viewed the whole ordeal (something Toobin alludes to himself in the 2018 intro).
Toobin is not as antagonistic towards Kenneth Starr as I expected him to be (certainly less than the Slow Burn podcast was). His major criticism, beyond being a Clinton-hater, is that in his haste to humiliate and delegitimize the president, Starr's investigation and final report was essentially softcore porn, grossly obsessed with sharing every lurid detail of Clinton's affair with Monica. Yet in doing so, Toobin merely repeats said-details, stretching from excessive to downright irrelevant. Toobin and his publishers may have been on Team Clinton, but they were clearly just as entranced by the smut as Starr was.
Unlike American Crime Story: Impeachment, which led me here, A Vast Conspiracy gives very little voice to the women involved in this case. This may have seemed natural at the time, since the focus of the book is on Clinton and the political ramifications of his actions, but given the nature of this case--which started off as an accusation of sexual harassment--it was a huge oversight. As the quote above makes clear, Toobin does not think highly of either Monica Lewinsky or Paula Jones, only showing them sympathy when one of the bad guys takes advantage of them (ex. Linda Tripp secretly recording her and Lewinsky's phone calls). Monica is a flighty, obsessive, groveling fangirl in his eyes, and worst of all, she's described as basically worthless. She offers nothing of value to the world beyond free sex. (This is a stark contrast to ACS, which depicts Monica as so angelic that you half-expected her to sprout wings and fly). Although Toobin does appear to find the age gap between her and Clinton somewhat sleazy--as did many other Democrats, by the sound of it--he is able to brush it under the rug because she was nevertheless a legal adult (the fact that Lewinsky looked a solid decade older than she was probably didn't help). What should be clear to anyone reading this story--and certainly should have been clear to Bill Clinton--was that Lewinsky was not only young but also extremely emotionally immature and desperate for affection (this may help explain why she glommed on to Linda Tripp, whom she said was like a mother to her), and Bill, despite eventually trying to amend their relationship to make it more platonic, never tried to completely end it. There's no mention of the absurd level of public shaming that Monica faced for the affair, which destroyed her life far more than it did Bill Clinton's.
Toobin's approach to Paula Jones is arguably even worse. Toobin postulates that rather than being sexually harassed, Jones and Clinton had a consensual hotel fling, Jones got angry that Clinton ignored her afterwards, and that after a Spectator article identified her as one of Clinton's ladies, she made up the sexual harassment story in order to placate her jealous husband and weasel some money out of the president. His reasoning for believing this? Jones apparently waited a few hours after the incident before telling one of her friends about it rather than immediately afterwards. Yeah. (He later makes essentially the same excuse for Juanita Broaddrick). Even by 1990s standards, this is an absurd argument.
This brings us to the new 2018 introduction, which is more aggravating than the rest of the book put together. Toobin discusses the #MeToo movement and power imbalances, acknowledges the hell that Lewinsky was put through by the media, and claims he would have depicted Monica "less harshly" if he were writing this story today (no mea culpa is offered to Paula Jones). Then Toobin launches into a rant about Trump and the evils of Fox News. All throughout Trump's tenure in office, I wrote in my reviews that the obsession with Trump would prematurely date any history and political books that capitalized on it. Here, a mere three years later, we're already seeing this prediction come true. No one who picks up this book now or in the future is looking to read an argument about how The Federalist Papers prove that Trump is actually way worse than Clinton (yes, really). Trump wasn't president in 1998; if we wanted to read a book about his impeachment trials, we would. At one point, Toobin segues from talking about the women whose lives Bill Clinton ruined to how Trump invited them to his 2016 debate with Hillary, and declares it an example of his and America's misogyny. Not mentioned: Hillary's role in silencing the women who accused Bill, nor what her decision to stay with him says about her own judgement.
The most obnoxious part, and the greatest indicator that Toobin doesn't actually register how the political landscape has changed across generational lines, is how he describes the partisan reactions to the #MeToo movement:
Blue America (to use a simplified term) has self-consciously changed since #MeToo, and has become less tolerant of all forms of sexual oppression. Red America (exemplified by Trump) continues to see #MeToo as part of an epidemic of 'political correctness,' in which self-appointed elites police the behavior of ordinary Americans.
Aside from being a grossly simplistic overview, Toobin fails to understand that #MeToo was as much a conservative movement as it was a progressive one. Although conservatives did disagree with how #MeToo accusations were handled (which is a more common opinion now), they already believed in much of what #MeToo stood for. Conservatives already believed that having a sexual relationship with an employee was unacceptable in the 1998. Young people today are catching up to them rather than the other way around. As Chuck Klosterman wrote in The Nineties, "Clinton made mistakes. As years have passed and society has shifted, those mistakes seem worse and worse. There's growing evidence that his overall legacy will be closer to the portrait painted by Gingrich, radio host Rush Limbaugh, and other conservative critics widely viewed as obsessive and unfair for most of the nineties." No matter how hypocritical many of these conservative critics turned out to be, the sentiments they espoused about the Clinton affair have become the consensus. And ultimately, Bill Clinton's legacy won't be judged through the prism of Newt Gingrich or Ken Starr, neither of whom any young person today particularly cares about or has even heard of. The excuses don't matter. All that matters are Clinton's own choices, and what they say about him as a person and as a leader.