The study of dictatorship in the West has acquired an almost exotic dimension. But authoritarian regimes remain a painful reality for billions of people worldwide who still live under them, their freedoms violated, and their rights abused. They are subject to arbitrary arrest, , corruption, ignorance, and injustice. What is the nature of dictatorship? How does it take hold? In what conditions and circumstances is it permitted to thrive? And how do dictators retain power, even when reviled and mocked by those they govern? In this deeply considered and at times provocative short work, Alaa Al Aswany tells us that, as with any disease, to understand the syndrome of dictatorship we must first consider the circumstances of its emergence, along with the symptoms and complications it causes in both the people and the dictator.
Alaa al-Aswany (Arabic: علاء الأسواني), Egyptian Arabic (Masri) "علاء الاسوانى" (born 1957) is an Egyptian writer, and a founding member of the political movement Kefaya.
Trained as a dentist in Egypt and Chicago, it took him 9 years to earn his degree from Chicago National University where he spent 17 years in his life, al-Aswany has contributed numerous articles to Egyptian newspapers on literature, politics, and social issues. His second novel, The Yacoubian Building, an ironic depiction of modern Egyptian society, has been widely read in Egypt and throughout the Middle East. It has been translated into English, Danish, Finnish, French, Norwegian, Greek and Dutch, and was adapted into a film (2006) and a television series (2007) of the same name. Chicago, a novel set in the city in which the author was educated, was published in January 2007. Al-Aswany participated in the Blue Metropolis in Montreal, June 2008, and was featured in interviews with the CBC programme "Writers and Company".
Other forms of name: Alaa al-Aswani, Alaa El Aswany, Ala Aswani, Ala El Aswani
Ala El-Asvani'yi ilk kez okudum. Kendisini önceleri bir "roman yazarı" olarak tanıyordum. Bu nedenle kurgusal olmayan bir metinle yazarı okumaya başlamak romanları hakkında ne derece isabetli bir beklentiye sahip olmamı sağlar bilmiyorum; fakat Diktatörlük Sendromu'nu hem "acı"yla hem de keyifle okudum. Yazarın dili oldukça akıcı, kurgusal olmayan bir metin olsa da kitabın akıp gittiğini söyleyebilirim.
El-Asvani, Mısırlı bir yazar. O nedenle de diktatörlüğü daha çok içinde yetiştiği toplumu merkezine alarak incelemiş. Temelde bir Mısır, Nasır ve bir miktar da Sisi değerlendirmesi var. Bunun haricinde, Saddam Hüseyin ve Muammer Kaddafi bağlamında Irak ve Libya'ya da yer vermiş. Diktatörlük Sendromu, daha çok Ortadoğu ülkeleri çerçevesinde bir diktatörlük incelemesi olsa da yer yer Hitler'den, Mussolini'den, Franco'dan, Salazar'dan da bahsedilmiş.
Özellikle günümüz toplumlarında diktatörlüğü anlamlandırmak adına -bence- başarılı bir çalışma. Bilimsel yönü çok kuvvetli denemez belki; fakat gazete haberlerinin yanı sıra çeşitli akademik kaynaklara da atıfların yapıldığını görüyoruz.
Toplumların çok fazla ortak noktaları var. Okurken bazı şeyleri öğrenmek yerine "hatırlamak" mümkün. Söz konusu "sendrom"dan kurtulmanın çareleri var, El-Asvani kitabın son kısmında kısaca bunlara da değinmiş, kitabı gelecek için kısmen umutlu şekilde de bitirmiş; fakat yazarın ifadesiyle "makbul vatandaş"ın bolluğu ne yazık ki pek çok ülke için umutlu olmaya bir engel teşkil ediyor.
Ο Αλάα Αλ-Ασουάνι, είναι γνωστός μυθιστοριογράφος, αιγυπτιακής καταγωγής, μέλος του πολιτικού κινήματος Kefaya κατά της προεδρίας Μουμπάρακ, υπέρμαχοι της δημοκρατίας και των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. "Το σύνδρομο της δικτατορίας" είναι απόρροια βιωμάτων και ερευνών του Αλ-Ασουάνι κατά τη συγγραφή των μυθιστορημάτων του. Πολέμιος των δικτατορικών καθεστώτων διερευνά τους λόγους ανοχής και υποταγής της πλειοψηφίας του λαού στη φασιστική νοοτροπία ενός δικτάτορα. Σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο, δισεκατομμύρια άνθρωποι ζουν κάτω από απολυταρχικά καθεστώτα. Αντιμετωπίζει την δικτατορία ως νόσο με συμπτώματα και επιπλοκές που την καθιστούν σύνδρομο, μελετώντας και τα δύο μέρη, λαό και δικτάτορα. Εξετάζει τα μέσα που που χρησιμοποιεί ο δικτάτορας ώστε να ελέγχει τη συνείδηση και τον τρόπο σκέψης των κυβερνωμένων. Μέθοδοι όπως η απανθρωποίηση του εχθρού, οι θεωρίες συνωμοσίας κατά του κράτους από ξένα κέντρα, ο πλήρης έλεγχος των μέσων ενημέρωσης, η κατευθυνόμενη πληροφόρηση, η προπαγάνδα, η εργαλειοποίηση της θρησκείας και η ιδεοληπτική πίστη είναι τα όπλα στη φαρέτρα του δικτάτορα.
"Οι φασίστες, οι δικτάτορες και οι τρομοκράτες εφαρμόζουν την ίδια λογική - της συλλογικής ενοχής και της απανθρωποίησης."
Στόχος η χειραγώγηση, ο αποπροσανατολισμός, η δημιουργία ενός μικρόκοσμου όπου ο πολίτης ζει εγκλωβισμένος στην καθημερινότητα, αμέτοχος στα κοινά, απομονωμένος, αγνοώντας έννοιες όπως η ελευθερία και η δημοκρατία.
"Ένας άνθρωπος δεν μπορεί να επιθυμεί κάτι που αγνοεί ως έννοια. " Ετιέν ντε Λα Μποεσί
Αναφέρεται στη θέση των διανοούμενων στα ολοκληρωτικά καθεστώτα, τη στήριξη ή την αντίσταση των ανθρώπων τιυ πνεύματος όπως οι Τόμας Μαν, Έριχ Μαρία Ρεμάρκ, Αλεξάντρ Σολζενίτσιν, Φεντερίκο Γκαρθία Λόρκα, Αντόνιο Γκράμσι, Πάμπλο Νερούδα, Οκτάβιο Παζ, Πιραντέλλο, Μάριο Βάργκας Λιόσα, Κάρλος Φουέντες, Γκαμπριέλ Γκαρσία Μάρκες, Χούλιο Κορτάσαρ, Μπορίς Πάστερνακ, Ναγκίμπ Μαχφούζ.
Καταγράφει τα στοιχεία της προσωπικότητας ενός δικτάτορα και παρουσιάζει το ψυχολογικό προφίλ του. Δικτάτορες όπως οι Σαντάμ Χουσεΐν, Νάσερ, Χίτλερ, Αμπντέλ Φατάχ ελ-Σίσι, Σλόμπονταν Μιλόσεβιτς, έχουν μελετηθεί από ψυχολόγους για τον τρόπο διαμόρφωσης του χαρακτήρα τους. Το γεγονός ότι είχαν δεχθεί κακοποίηση και περιθωριοποίηση στην παιδική τους ηλικία δεν θεωρείται συμπτωματική.
Η διαμόρφωση κριτικής σκέψης σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο είναι ο μόνος τρόπος ώστε οι πολίτες να φιλτράρουν πληροφορίες, συμπεριφορές και να αποφασίζουν αμερόληπτα, χωρίς παρωπίδες για το κοινό καλό.
Indeed it has been said that democracy is the worst form of Government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time – Winston Churchill
You would think that in the 21st century most of the world would live in a democracy of some form or other, but it doesn’t seem that way. Of the 195 countries in the world, 39% of the world’s population in 87 countries are deemed free. Some are partially free and 49 countries make up around 25% of the population. However, there are still 49 countries with 2.6 billion people in the world that have some form of dictatorship or strict authoritarian government.
I was shocked when I read those facts, as it is something that I thought was ebbing away gradually. The people who live there are subject to injustice in all its forms, from the endemic corruption, arbitrary arrest and imprisonment and when incarcerated a lot are subject to torture and often killed or ‘disappeared’. The methods that these dictators use to gain control are well documented, but the questions Alaa Al Aswany wants to explore here concern the nature of dictatorship? How does it take hold? In what conditions and circumstances is it permitted to thrive? And how do dictators retain power as the society that they have dominated starts to crumble?
Al Aswany has written a fascinating book exploring the answers to these questions and he gets right to the crux of what makes a dictator, control of the media and police and army and the way that their personality diffuses deeply into the culture and fabric of society of the country. In a lot of cases, the populace can start behaving like the acolytes of a cult, not questioning any of the often erratic behaviours of the dictator. It becomes a self-enforcing vicious circle as the majority of citizens make the deliberate choice to deny themselves their freedom; instead craving stability and will support this individual totally.
It is a very worrying but readable for a book about a fairly grim subject matter. He grew up in Egypt and was seen as a dissenter before taking the sensible decision to leave the country. He has a very personal grasp of his subject and he eloquently describes just how normal people in a democracy can become inadvertent enablers and supporters of this type of person.
Daha iyi analizler okumuştum, daha bilimsel. Bu kitap söylevimsi ya da bir röportajın metne çevrilmiş hali gibi. Ama yine de dönemsel olarak sanırım, hızlıca keyifle okuyup bitirdim.
Kitaptaki “makul vatandaş”, “entelektüel kimdir” ve genel olarak diktatörün toplumsallığı çok yalın ve çok tanıdık anlatılmış. Diktatörlükle yönetilen toplumların kendi mikro evrenlerindeki adalet anlayisini nasıl sağlamaya çalıştıkları ve bu evrenin dışında kalan her şeyden kendilerini soyutlamaya çalıştıkları ile ilgili bölümler harikaydı. Son olarak bir de adalet tiyatrosu diyebileceğimiz simgesel mahkemelerle alakalı anlatılanlar, henüz gündemde olan narin güran cinayeti davasında bizim toplumumuzun adalet takibini de çok güzel açıkladığını düşündürdü.
Al Aswany has written an indispensable, lucid account of the "dictatorship syndrome" that should be recommended reading to everyone in today's world of backsliding democracies and spread of authoritarianism. Approaching dictatorship as a syndrome, Al Aswany describes the conditions that coerce individuals into accepting tyranny, and the damages it inflicts on both its victims and the tyrant. Among the symptoms of this syndrome Al Aswany lists conspiracy theories, propaganda, chauvinism, and both state and self-censorship.
I've been trying to get my hands on this book for over a year. After having dodged absurd shipping fees, and most importantly, censorship, I finally had the chance to read it. However, as much as I found it both extremely valuable, and important, I do believe that it needs to be published in Arabic.
Almost all arguments in the book are made by Aswany in his weekly lectures on YouTube, which I watch consistently. And to complement that, I think there is a dire need for that book to also be published in Arabic.
Excellent book, especially with regards to Egyptian matters, where Aswani’s insights are the strongest. He also doesn’t hesitate directly connecting religious fundamentalism with dictatorship, both in theocracies and authoritarians leaders’ usage of religion to sway their uncritical subjects. However, his critical reflections doesn’t include his own support for a military coup in Egypt between 2011-2013 and Sisi’s regime. Although he is critical of Sisi’s dictatorial syndromes a la his three military dictator predecessors, he doesn’t and has yet to date “disavowed his support for either the military coup of 2013 or the massacre in Rabʿa al-ʿAdawiyya Square in August 2013,” to quote Daanish Faruqi’s review of the book. Otherwise an excellent piece in its simplicity, very easy to understand, just like his novels.
Hem uzmanlık alanım hem de ilgi alanım olduğu için bana yeni bilgiler katmaktan ziyade var olan bilgilerimi tazeleyen bir kitap oldugunu söyleyebilirim. Yazarın herhangi bir kitabını daha önce hiç okumamıştım. Diktatörlük Sendromu ilgimi çektiği için toplum bilimleri okuduğum ve toplumla ilgili kitle ve iktidar toplum otorite grup davranışları, kitle psikolojisi gibi kavramlarla ilgilendiğim için dikkatimi çekmişti. Diktatörlüğün, bir rejime bir lidere bir otoriteye duyulan hayranlığın nasıl oluşabildigini, bu davranışlarin düşüncelerin arkasında hangi tür saiklerin olabileceğini anlaşılır bir dille anlatıyor. Adorno'nun Otoriteryen kişilik üzerine yazdığı eserle, Foucault'un İktidarın Gözü'yle, İletişim Yayınlarından çıkan Narsizim, İktidar ve Ayartmayi anlatan kitapla desteklenebilir. Otoriteryenizmle ilgili literatür geniş. Başlangıç için bu kitap ideal.
Diktatörlükler, otoriter ya da genel olarak tatsız rejimler üzerine olan fikirlerim birkaç yıl önce değişmişti: Bu rejimler ortalık günlük güneşlikken ortaya çıkmıyor genelde, alternatiflerinin beceriksizlikleri ve sorun çözmekten itinayla kaçınmaları sonrasında meydan bunlara kalıyor - son zamanlarda yaşanma riski olan durum da bu.
Aswany'nin kitabı bu mekanizmanın altında yatan psikolojiyi güzel ele alıyor, okuması keyifli ve kolay bir kitap.
“Doğal mizaç ile toplumsal görenek arasındaki tezat bu noktada belirginleşir: Bir tarafta insanı (hayvanın durumunda olduğu gibi) özgürlüğünü korumaya sevk eden doğal mizacı, öbür tarafta tiranın iradesine uzun süre boyun eğmekle sonuçlanan toplumsal görenek vardır. Görenek doğal mizaca ağır basar ve yıllar geçtikçe başka hiçbir şey bilmeyen kuşaklar otoriteryenizm fikrine alışırlar. Otoriteryenizme alışmak La Boétie tarafından ilkin terbiye edilmeyi reddedip binicisine direnen ama sonunda hem binicisini hem de kulluk sembolleri olan eyer ve gemi kabul edip kasıla kasıla yürümeye başlayan bir atın durumuna benzetilir. Diktatörlük koşullarında yetişen ve özgürlüğün anlamını bilmediği gibi herhangi bir özgürlük ihtiyacı da duymayan kuşakların durumu buna benzer – La Boétie’nin dediği gibi insan sahip olmadığı bir şeyi özleyemez.”
“Dikta koşullarında çürüme bireylerle sınırlı kalmayıp toplumun ahlâk sistemine yayılır. Bireylerin elinde üç seçenek kalır: yozlaşmak, toplumdan tecrit olmak ya da göç etmek.”
“Makbul vatandaş tüm dünyası kendi küçük ailesi ve işinden ibaret olan, sokaktaki sıradan insandır. Siyasi değişim çabalarının doğurabileceği belirsizliğe karşılık o daima istikrarı tercih eder. Büyük bir haksızlık ve adaletsizliğe maruz kalsa da hayatının normal akışında devam etmesini ister.”
“Genç bir polis memuru kanunları istediği gibi ihlal edebilirken boşanan kadınları koruyan bir kanun çıkartmanın faydası nedir? Yargı, bağımsızlığını kaybedip diktatörün istediği gibi at koşturduğu bir alana dönüştüyse bir kanun değişikliğinin ne önemi olabilir? Küçük çocukları müşkül durumdaki ailelerine destek olabilmek için çalışmak zorunda bırakan yoksulluğun kökü kazınmadan çocuk işçiliği bitirilebilir mi? Diktatörlüğün alametifarikalarından yolsuzluk ortadan kaldırılmadan yoksulluk biter mi?”
Fremragende lille letlæst bog om hvad der skaber diktaturer, og hvordan vi kommer af med dem igen.
Al Aswany er exil-egypter, og taler meget ud fra sine egne egyptiske erfaringer - men bruger stort set alle diktaturerer fra den 20 århundrede til at underbygge sin analyse.
Han siger, at en diktator kun kan få magten, hvis folket gerne vil have det, fordi han giver dem noget, de gerne vil have.
Han udpensler, hvordan folket under en diktator indhyldes i et perverst fællesskab: "den gode borger" lulles ind i kun at koncentrere sig om sig selv og sin familie, fordi det er det eneste han har magt over, og langsomt får han afsmag, for andre, der prøver at rokke båden, fordi denne rokken også rammer ham.
Han beskriver, hvordan diktaturer korrumperer sandhedsbegrebet, og får alle til at gå med på de officielle løgne, og hvordan dette offentlig løgne-liv trænger ind i den enkeltes private liv, og bliver til løgne også der, også overfor ham eller hende selv. Og hvordan disse løgne bliver til facisme.
Diktaturer varer heldigvis aldrig evigt. Alle dikatorer udvikler til selvoveroptagede virkelighedsfornægtende typer og næste skridt er, at de ender med - for det meste - at begå så store fejl, at de væltes, eller - sjældnere væltes af regulærer revolutioner, der gør op med hele diktaturet og dets magtapparat.
i think it's a clear how the book explained the signs of dictatorship based on characterization of the most famous dictators of our time. what i felt missing though is the fact that he denied right on that some of these dictators were kept or like soeharto became one with support of a larger power. the fact that the empire needs to maintain capitalist machine. the fact that there is racism and neo-colonialism that needs to be sustained. or the façade of western democracy which when tested against the greatest test of our time, the genöcide in Palestine, failed. sometimes under the name of religion, while we, practising muslims, are called backwards when we practice our religion. while the imperialist wage massacres against helpless people in the name of religion. i just don't think he see the whole picture.
''Erkek ve kadın yurttaşlar her gün hapishanelerde şiddet ve işkenceye uğrarken ev içi şiddeti bitirmek mümkün müdür? Genç bir polis memuru kanunları istediği gibi ihlal edebilirken boşanan kadınları koruyan bir kanun çıkartmanın faydası nedir? Yargı, bağımsızlığını kaybedip diktatörün istediği gibi at koşturduğu bir alana dönüştüyse bir kanun değişikliğinin ne önemi olabilir? Küçük çocukları müşkül durumdaki ailelerine destek olabilmek için çalışmak zorunda bırakan yoksulluğun kökü kazınmadan çocuk işçiliği bitirilebilir mi? Diktatörlüğün alametifarikalarından yolsuzluk ortadan kaldırılmadan yoksulluk biter mi?''
Diktatörlük hastalığının semptomlarını ilk evresinden son evresine kadar mükemmel bir şekilde açıklayan bir kitap. Kısa öz ve net. Hastalığın ilk semptomlarının yaşandığı bir ülkede bu kitabı okumak ve okuduklarımı ülkenin vatandaşı olarak görüp geçirmem ayrı bir gurur kaynağı!
Evet Türkiye şu an bu hastalığa ne yazık ki yakalanmış durumda. Ve evet bazı semptomlar çoktan ortaya çıktı bile. Benim görüşüm hastalığın sonuna kadar gideceği..
Bir çok “nasıl?” sorusunun cevabını bulacaksınız..
El-Asvani çok beğendiğim bir yazar. Üslubunu ve kurgusunu da inanılmaz güçlü buluyorum. “Diktatörlük Sendromu” herkesin okuması gereken bir kitap. Şu an yaşadığımız dönem, daha önceki dönemlerde yaşanılan aynı hikayelerin olduğu ülkeler. Geçmişin tekrarlaması, devranın dönmesi... Her devrin adamları... Körler sağırlar birbirini ağırlar durumu. Her kitaplıkta bulunması gereken bir kitap olduğunu düşünüyorum
I wish everyone would read this book. He explained, with examples based on experience, that the biggest fear of repressive governments is not to reproduce social consent.
C’est bien écrit, qq passages de narration, différents exemples et un propos juste. Je sais pas si j’ai beaucoup aimé ou si ce livre m’a effrayé terriblement Mais je recommande !
I believe everything has a pattern, so it is a Dictator.
The Dictatorship Syndrome examines why people accept and support authoritarian leaders. He likens dictatorship to a “syndrome” that can be diagnosed and treated, using his medical background to explain how it spreads in society as a symptom.
Al-Aswany argues that leaders who promise progress can become oppressive while citizens normalise injustice. He views dictatorship as a global issue rather than isolated to one leader or country, drawing on examples from various societies, particularly Egypt.
His leading solution is critical thinking, which encourages people to question authority instead of blindly idolising leaders.
The strongest point of this book is how he presents his ideas clearly and structuredly, like when he compares dictatorship to a “syndrome,” a type of social illness with symptoms, causes, and effects, like physical disease.
The book helps readers understand power dynamics and is recommended for anyone interested in politics, human rights, or governance.
Great book,digestible even for people who might not know to much about politics or history (like me😭). Great way of explaining hard theories and doctrines without feeling like your a dumbass of googling things every 5 seconds. Defo recommend especially right now due to our political climate!
It is a great book for explaining the reason how Middle-Eastern people have always been so blindly over-obedient no matter how unsuccessful the leaders are. Within this context, the five-monkeys experiment particularly impressed me. Indeed, a shocking reading experience regarding self-awareness of how it is possible to canalize the masses with simple but effective policies.