A well-researched, narratively compelling read, but the authors' positionalities as a white(-passing?) Israeli immigrant and a descendant of white immigrants mean that important context is left out, often in order to accommodate their strong agenda. That is to say, that I agree with their agenda (legal immigration slots should be expanded), but some of their conclusions are a bit of a stretch from the data. As with all nonfiction, I would have preferred this book as a long-form article to avoid the page-filling repetition. I did appreciate that this book was the first in a while that was so thought-provoking I was compelled to take notes (although this is more a factor of specific criticisms than anything else).
This book was assigned as my cohort common read in public policy school. In class discussion, we spoke about how African American history was largely left out of this book. This book contends that America is a "nation of immigrants", and so its conclusions are relevant to all of us. But because slaves were not included in 1800s data, the authors concluded that no conclusions could be drawn about how slaves and their descendants fared. My classmates pointed out that the Civil Rights movements of the 1960s paved the way for the 1965 immigration reforms that led to the "immigration U" that is perhaps the most lasting image from this book.
Similarly, the authors speak of "assimilation" without recognizing the American Indian perspective(s). They claim that immigrants assimilated at the same speed in the past and today, without regard for the forced boarding schools that the US government established to "kill the Indian and save the man". I thought about Robin Wall Kimmerer's perspective that the Europeans were the immigrants who failed to assimilate to indigenous values and culture.
My classmates and I found this assignment amusing because its conclusions are our lived experience. Who knew that immigrants don't contribute to crime in their adopted neighborhoods, that they assimilate readily into American culture but retain pride in their heritage, that parents may start from a low socioeconomic status but their children rise quickly? To us, these conclusions seemed basic and almost not worth arguing. But I still see the vital importance of work like this: American citizens and residents must understand the history of immigration in this country to understand present-day politics and their place within it.
One of the biggest omissions in this research is that the authors did not mention what happens to immigrant families in subsequent generations, after the first generation and their children. It seems the "US-born" rise socioeconomically less quickly than their immigrant counterparts, but why? Can we disaggregate by race? Are there ceiling effects at work?
I was also uncomfortable that a main thrust of the authors' argument was that we need immigrants to do the low-paid, unprotected labor that US-born workers refuse to do. It seems that the authors' argument would be less strong if US workers successfully unionized.
They also did not mention any limit on immigration. They praise Biden and Democratic presidents for being relatively open to immigration, while not acknowledging the egregious human rights violations that have still occurred under Democratic governments. The book may have been published too early to reflect on how Democratic mayors in New York are struggling with overwhelming influxes in immigrants. The authors argue that if only we can reshape the narrative to firmly state that America is a nation of immigrants (again leaving out the facts of indigeneity and forced immigration), we can once again welcome immigrants on our shores. But successful platforms must go hand in hand with successful policy implementation, and the authors do not acknowledge that there is still much work to be done in creating programs for distributing immigrant resettlement across all of America (not just the major ports).
The most interesting conclusion in this book to me is that controlling for factors like socioeconomic status, country of origin, and education, geography (ie, living in cities with more opportunities) determines how quickly immigrants rise in the socioeconomic ladder. This effect goes against the idea that immigrants push their children to study harder. However, other conclusions in the book (for example, that East Asian immigrants have the most social mobility, or that daughters have more social mobility than sons) makes me want to explore the data with an intersectional lens. What's the sample size per country? Do outliers affect the averages reported in the book? Anyways, I think there is a greater rural-urban narrative to explore here.
Speaking of East Asians, I found it strange that the authors tended to group countries of origin by race instead of other measures like OECD (a proxy for the level of development of a country). Or at the very least, why did they group all Asians together instead of disaggregating into South, Southeast, and East Asians, and Pacific Islanders? Failing to disaggregate these groups only serves to feed the model minority myth, in which all Asian are perceived to have easy success in America.
The authors used percentiles to justify their conclusion that immigrants rise up to middle class within one generation. However, percentiles are relative, not absolute. Similar to "curved" grading in academic courses, we don't know from the percentile statistic alone whether immigrants are truly leaving poverty, or whether America just has a high number of people below the poverty line. Other conclusions like "under-placement" of educated immigrant parents are a bit theoretical and not strongly substantiated.
Finally, I found the authors' claims about assimilation, especially their analysis of English learning, to be questionable. So, so many of my friends have accents but are fluent in English. Why are these authors using accent as a measure of fluency? Accent can be regional and not correlated with fluency. To pretend otherwise is Anglo-centric and frankly racist. They never explain why higher prior educational attainment would help someone learn English better or faster. I don't buy that, cognitively speaking.
As for assimilation more broadly, there’s a tradeoff between economic prosperity and community for immigrants. I think it's dangerous for the authors to argue unequivocally that assimilation is good; that's a color-blind argument, that less observable difference is self-evidently a good thing. An immigrant may achieve a high socioeconomic status, thus achieving the "American Dream", but if they must assimilate in order to do so, if they must choose Anglo-sounding names for their children, what do they lose in return? What community supports do they lose? After entering a prestigious four-year university, many of my friends expressed that they hadn't realized their privilege in growing up in majority-minority communities, feeling comfortable being themselves, until they came to a institution where they suddenly had to explain themselves. The authors claim that America is culturally open because we're better at being multicultural than Italy or Greece, but they haven't mentioned (or even considered, I bet) historically multicultural societies like Singapore or ancient Persia. In being so quick to refute the claims of anti-immigrant politicians, they don't stop to consider whether the foundations of those politicians' arguments are even sound. Can we redefine what it means to be American? Who, exactly, do we want immigrants to assimilate to?
Overall, reads like a course on immigration taught by a white professor that is useful to zero in on the issue of immigration in American politics, and fun to discuss and debate. I think it's a creative use of a big data set and an interesting demonstration of economic history studies.