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Gündelik Hayatın Sorunları: Bilim ve Kültür Üzerine Diğer Yazılar
"Dün Northhampton’a inerken yanımda büykü parti liderlerimizin bir yığın konuşması ve Troçki’nin ikibuçuk şiline aldığım Gündelik Hayatın Sorunları kitabı yanımdaydı. Tamamıyla bayağı bir zalimlikte Birkenhead, Lloyd George ve Churchill’in söylevlerini geçmek gerçekten çok zor olurdu. Ancak Troçki benim için her zaman sağduyu, lekelenmemiş ve samimiyet ve eğitilmiş bir zihinsel kapasite örneği olmuştur. ABD’deki başkanlık seçimi kampanyalarından ve buradaki genel seçimlerden uzaklaşıp Troçki’nin mevcut durum üzerine incelemelerine yoğunlaşmak başka bir gezegene gitmekle eşanlamlıdır."
- George Bernard Shaw
"Yalnızca Politikayla Yaşanmaz"; kitabın birinci bölümünün başlığı kitabın konusunu oldukça güzel bir şekilde ortaya koyuyor. Gerçekten de 1917 Rus Devrimi sadece politik bir olgu olarak değerlendirilemez. Rus Devrimi Rus toplumunu her yönüyle etkileyen sosyal bir ayaklanmaydı ve statükonun bütün katmanlarını her yönden nüfuz ederek onları dağıttı.
Troçki kültürü insanoğlunun faaliyetlerinin bir toplamı olarak görmektedir ve bu konu üzerindeki yazıları bununla uyumlu bir şekilde oldukça ayrıntılıdır. Bu kitap sosyalist devrimin ülkenin kültürel yaşamı üzerindeki etkileri ve bunun tersi olarak da ülkenin kültürel geriliğinin devrimin rotası üzerine olan etkilerine yoğunlaşmıştır. Bu kitapta tartışılan konu başlıkları arasında Din, İletişim, Medya, Dil, Eğitim, Bilim ve Sanayi, Sinema, Evlilik, Kadının Konumu, Çocuk Bakımı, Proleter Kültür, Sanat, Felsefe, Kırsal Kesimdeki İlkel Koşullar, Aşırı Uzmanlaşmanın Tehlikeleri ve Bürokrasi yer almaktadır.
Troçki devrimin liderlerinden biri ve Kızıl Ordu’nun kurucusu olarak kendisini eskisinin yıkıntıları üzerinde yeni bir toplum inşasının görevleri ile yüzleşmek suretiyle kendisini insan odaklı bir sosyalizmin ilk savunucularından biri olarak ortaya koymaktadır.
- George Bernard Shaw
"Yalnızca Politikayla Yaşanmaz"; kitabın birinci bölümünün başlığı kitabın konusunu oldukça güzel bir şekilde ortaya koyuyor. Gerçekten de 1917 Rus Devrimi sadece politik bir olgu olarak değerlendirilemez. Rus Devrimi Rus toplumunu her yönüyle etkileyen sosyal bir ayaklanmaydı ve statükonun bütün katmanlarını her yönden nüfuz ederek onları dağıttı.
Troçki kültürü insanoğlunun faaliyetlerinin bir toplamı olarak görmektedir ve bu konu üzerindeki yazıları bununla uyumlu bir şekilde oldukça ayrıntılıdır. Bu kitap sosyalist devrimin ülkenin kültürel yaşamı üzerindeki etkileri ve bunun tersi olarak da ülkenin kültürel geriliğinin devrimin rotası üzerine olan etkilerine yoğunlaşmıştır. Bu kitapta tartışılan konu başlıkları arasında Din, İletişim, Medya, Dil, Eğitim, Bilim ve Sanayi, Sinema, Evlilik, Kadının Konumu, Çocuk Bakımı, Proleter Kültür, Sanat, Felsefe, Kırsal Kesimdeki İlkel Koşullar, Aşırı Uzmanlaşmanın Tehlikeleri ve Bürokrasi yer almaktadır.
Troçki devrimin liderlerinden biri ve Kızıl Ordu’nun kurucusu olarak kendisini eskisinin yıkıntıları üzerinde yeni bir toplum inşasının görevleri ile yüzleşmek suretiyle kendisini insan odaklı bir sosyalizmin ilk savunucularından biri olarak ortaya koymaktadır.
382 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1924
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253 people want to read
About the author
Leon Trotsky
1,064 books801 followersSee also Лев Троцкий
Russian theoretician Leon Trotsky or Leon Trotski, originally Lev Davidovitch Bronstein, led the Bolshevik of 1917, wrote Literature and Revolution in 1924, opposed the authoritarianism of Joseph Stalin, and emphasized world; therefore later, the Communist party in 1927 expelled him and in 1929 banished him, but he included the autobiographical My Life in 1930, and the behest murdered him in exile in Mexico.
The exile of Leon Trotsky in 1929 marked rule of Joseph Stalin.
People better know this Marxist. In October 1917, he ranked second only to Vladimir Lenin. During the early days of the Soviet Union, he served first as commissar of people for foreign affairs and as the founder and commander of the Red Army and of war. He also ranked among the first members of the Politburo.
After a failed struggle of the left against the policies and rise in the 1920s, the increasing role of bureaucracy in the Soviet Union deported Trotsky. An early advocate of intervention of Army of Red against European fascism, Trotsky also agreed on peace with Adolf Hitler in the 1930s. As the head of the fourth International, Trotsky continued to the bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, and Ramón Mercader, a Soviet agent, eventually assassinated him. From Marxism, his separate ideas form the basis of Trotskyism, a term, coined as early as 1905. Ideas of Trotsky constitute a major school of Marxist. The Soviet administration never rehabilitated him and few other political figures.
Russian theoretician Leon Trotsky or Leon Trotski, originally Lev Davidovitch Bronstein, led the Bolshevik of 1917, wrote Literature and Revolution in 1924, opposed the authoritarianism of Joseph Stalin, and emphasized world; therefore later, the Communist party in 1927 expelled him and in 1929 banished him, but he included the autobiographical My Life in 1930, and the behest murdered him in exile in Mexico.
The exile of Leon Trotsky in 1929 marked rule of Joseph Stalin.
People better know this Marxist. In October 1917, he ranked second only to Vladimir Lenin. During the early days of the Soviet Union, he served first as commissar of people for foreign affairs and as the founder and commander of the Red Army and of war. He also ranked among the first members of the Politburo.
After a failed struggle of the left against the policies and rise in the 1920s, the increasing role of bureaucracy in the Soviet Union deported Trotsky. An early advocate of intervention of Army of Red against European fascism, Trotsky also agreed on peace with Adolf Hitler in the 1930s. As the head of the fourth International, Trotsky continued to the bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, and Ramón Mercader, a Soviet agent, eventually assassinated him. From Marxism, his separate ideas form the basis of Trotskyism, a term, coined as early as 1905. Ideas of Trotsky constitute a major school of Marxist. The Soviet administration never rehabilitated him and few other political figures.
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Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews
August 2, 2023
A masterful application of the dialectical method to a broad range of "immediate" (everyday life) issues faced mainly in the process of building up the first workers' state in history. These texts are a particularly good example of how to never lose sight of the bigger picture — freeing humanity from class society — even when addressing apparently irrelevant topics like people cursing, spitting on the floor or not shining their shoes. If you read carefully you can even see how he's getting more and more worried about the degeneration of the Soviet Union when he touches on topic like the bureaucracy trying to canonize Lenin all the while they are trying to steer people away from reading his key works in favor of catechismal "interpretations" — like Stalin's horrid Dialectical and historical materialism text, published much later, but I imagine the tendency was already there in the 20s.
This is as close as you can get to a handbook for revolutionaries post revolution. Although the conditions we will face are very different from early 20th century Russia, the method coming out of Trotsky's articles will still apply to our own everyday life problems. It is a light read, but definitely a must read imo.
This is as close as you can get to a handbook for revolutionaries post revolution. Although the conditions we will face are very different from early 20th century Russia, the method coming out of Trotsky's articles will still apply to our own everyday life problems. It is a light read, but definitely a must read imo.
May 21, 2023
An interesting volume, written in 1924, regarding the problems of changing the outlook of Russians, in their everyday lives, according to the then-optimistic/hopeful tenets of the Russian Revolution.
At the time, Russia was in the process of transformation from a rural society of mostly illiterate peasants to an industrial giant, which would require a more educated and socialized workforce. In less than 20 years from the year this volume was written, Russia had successfully transformed itself into an industrial powerhouse which by 1945 managed to beat back the Nazi juggernaut. 16 years after that, Russia had also sent the first man into space.
At the time this volume was written, in 1924, one year after the end of the Civil War, the transformation of Russian society was gaining momentum. The transformation of domestic life and peoples' consciousness still was in an experimental stage. Trotsky discusses the need for communal kitchens, day-care centers, and laundry rooms. Communal kitchens (rather than one kitchen per home/apartment) and communal living quarters (communes) had already been tried and Trotsky criticized the occasional resulting slovenliness with these new living arrangements.
Trotsky wrote about the need to upgrade the status of women - he felt that communal living arrangements would free women from the daily drudgery of individual living quarters, cleaning and cooking, and individually washing laundry.
He writes that the State would not be able to instantly provide improved housing. In these essays, he says that economic realities will prevent the "Promised Land" envisioned by the new system from being implemented all at once.
Nonetheless, the amazing advances in the Soviet Union under communism, insofar as the level of education, technology/science, and in industrialization, were probably unparalleled anytime anywhere under any system. The population was transformed, seemingly miraculously, from a backward population of mostly poor, suffering, landless illiterate peasants into a modern society of educated workers, scientists, and so forth. The difference between the Russian Army's performance in WWI vs the Red Army's performance in WW2 speaks for itself.
The transformation of such a backward society into an up-to-date society meant that Russia had in about a generation (1917-1937/eve of WW2) accomplished what the capitalist-system industrialized nations accomplished in maybe 100 or 150 years.
He writes about the unfortunate widespread use of profanity in Russia at that time and calls for the adoption of civility and politeness, as well as the adoption of cultured speech. One of his recurring themes is to stress the importance of culture and refinement - that these are the goals everyone should be striving for, the unending improvement of the individual, through their own cultivation, education, enlightenment.
He touches briefly on the concept that the State must not be all-encompassing (as opposed to local councils, cooperatives, labor unions, and other local organizations). The idea is that the system then in effect would eventually result in a goal that even anarchists could endorse, that of the "withering away of the State" (although he never uses this phrase this is what he is referring to).
The reality was different, as the State in Russia became more powerful not less. The "withering away of the State" in favor of local democratic autonomy never occurred. The State mostly did not favor local autonomy, and opposition elements were rooted out and banished or executed, and democracy withered away. The State became all-powerful, paranoid and intolerant, and finally, feared and hated by many, if not most of the populace.
However, when this volume was written, in 1924, the hopes and dreams of the Revolution were quite fresh, and the Russian revolutionaries had only the year before finally defeated the White forces in the Civil War. It was now time for the Bolsheviks to show they could transform society, not just in new forms of industrial activity, in efforts to educate the masses, in improved medical care, but also even the transformation of domestic life and the transformation of the individual into a "new man" - educated, conscious, constantly striving for improvement in all aspects of their life, in addition to their communal responsibilities.
This book represents an effort to address the immense task of trying to instill these hopes and dreams in a truly immiserated and backward population - to deliver on the dreams spoken of by Lenin, who, shortly after the book was written, was to die.
Unfortunately, in the ensuing power struggle, Stalin won control of the government instead of Trotsky, or any of the other members of the leadership. Although Stalin successfully led the USSR to victory over Hitler, the paranoia of Stalin led to a period of Russian history that, despite the technological advances, perhaps mirrored the autocracy the population thought it had freed itself from when it overthrew the Tsar.
Thus, the autocratic system again began to fall apart little by little, until it finally collapsed in 1989. Unfortunately, despite the re-imposition of a capitalist economic system ("free" market) which brought about initially many ills, as well as glaring income inequalities - a situation the communist revolution was supposed to have ended forever, the country still does not seem to have an authentic democratic system of government, despite progress in that direction, as the ruling party seems to use various levers at its disposal to consolidate power and guarantee election results etc.
At the time, Russia was in the process of transformation from a rural society of mostly illiterate peasants to an industrial giant, which would require a more educated and socialized workforce. In less than 20 years from the year this volume was written, Russia had successfully transformed itself into an industrial powerhouse which by 1945 managed to beat back the Nazi juggernaut. 16 years after that, Russia had also sent the first man into space.
At the time this volume was written, in 1924, one year after the end of the Civil War, the transformation of Russian society was gaining momentum. The transformation of domestic life and peoples' consciousness still was in an experimental stage. Trotsky discusses the need for communal kitchens, day-care centers, and laundry rooms. Communal kitchens (rather than one kitchen per home/apartment) and communal living quarters (communes) had already been tried and Trotsky criticized the occasional resulting slovenliness with these new living arrangements.
Trotsky wrote about the need to upgrade the status of women - he felt that communal living arrangements would free women from the daily drudgery of individual living quarters, cleaning and cooking, and individually washing laundry.
He writes that the State would not be able to instantly provide improved housing. In these essays, he says that economic realities will prevent the "Promised Land" envisioned by the new system from being implemented all at once.
Nonetheless, the amazing advances in the Soviet Union under communism, insofar as the level of education, technology/science, and in industrialization, were probably unparalleled anytime anywhere under any system. The population was transformed, seemingly miraculously, from a backward population of mostly poor, suffering, landless illiterate peasants into a modern society of educated workers, scientists, and so forth. The difference between the Russian Army's performance in WWI vs the Red Army's performance in WW2 speaks for itself.
The transformation of such a backward society into an up-to-date society meant that Russia had in about a generation (1917-1937/eve of WW2) accomplished what the capitalist-system industrialized nations accomplished in maybe 100 or 150 years.
He writes about the unfortunate widespread use of profanity in Russia at that time and calls for the adoption of civility and politeness, as well as the adoption of cultured speech. One of his recurring themes is to stress the importance of culture and refinement - that these are the goals everyone should be striving for, the unending improvement of the individual, through their own cultivation, education, enlightenment.
He touches briefly on the concept that the State must not be all-encompassing (as opposed to local councils, cooperatives, labor unions, and other local organizations). The idea is that the system then in effect would eventually result in a goal that even anarchists could endorse, that of the "withering away of the State" (although he never uses this phrase this is what he is referring to).
The reality was different, as the State in Russia became more powerful not less. The "withering away of the State" in favor of local democratic autonomy never occurred. The State mostly did not favor local autonomy, and opposition elements were rooted out and banished or executed, and democracy withered away. The State became all-powerful, paranoid and intolerant, and finally, feared and hated by many, if not most of the populace.
However, when this volume was written, in 1924, the hopes and dreams of the Revolution were quite fresh, and the Russian revolutionaries had only the year before finally defeated the White forces in the Civil War. It was now time for the Bolsheviks to show they could transform society, not just in new forms of industrial activity, in efforts to educate the masses, in improved medical care, but also even the transformation of domestic life and the transformation of the individual into a "new man" - educated, conscious, constantly striving for improvement in all aspects of their life, in addition to their communal responsibilities.
This book represents an effort to address the immense task of trying to instill these hopes and dreams in a truly immiserated and backward population - to deliver on the dreams spoken of by Lenin, who, shortly after the book was written, was to die.
Unfortunately, in the ensuing power struggle, Stalin won control of the government instead of Trotsky, or any of the other members of the leadership. Although Stalin successfully led the USSR to victory over Hitler, the paranoia of Stalin led to a period of Russian history that, despite the technological advances, perhaps mirrored the autocracy the population thought it had freed itself from when it overthrew the Tsar.
Thus, the autocratic system again began to fall apart little by little, until it finally collapsed in 1989. Unfortunately, despite the re-imposition of a capitalist economic system ("free" market) which brought about initially many ills, as well as glaring income inequalities - a situation the communist revolution was supposed to have ended forever, the country still does not seem to have an authentic democratic system of government, despite progress in that direction, as the ruling party seems to use various levers at its disposal to consolidate power and guarantee election results etc.
January 27, 2015
A fantastic collection of essays by Russian revolutionary, Leon Trotsky, on a variety of topics; all coming under the umbrella of how a society can be built after a worker's revolution in a peasant economy; and in doing so, how people must change and will be changed by it. The range is wide, from education to manners, including how spitting and swearing will fade out! As a former librarian, I especially, like the chapter on the role of librarians; describing them as "cultural warriors".
October 2, 2007
I read this book all the time- from cover to cover or just dipping in from time to time. I have also reviewd it in part and in full many times. Basically- it shows what so many would-be revolutionaries neglect (i'm looking at you, Che)- that it is essential to rebuild society after a revolution- the seizing of power is far from enough. He covers everything from spitting to swearing and politeness- ever with this is mind: The Working Class is an intelligent class, more capable of thought, reflection and creation than many (including many so-called socialist movements) would give them credit for.
It is beautiful in its frankness (most essays in it were written for publication in Pravda in the years immediately after the October Revolution and before Stalin's seizure of power on Lenin's death).
It is beautiful in its frankness (most essays in it were written for publication in Pravda in the years immediately after the October Revolution and before Stalin's seizure of power on Lenin's death).
June 20, 2024
Esto es un documentazo cojonudo sobre varios problemas cruciales de la vida post revolucionaria, del papel de las instituciones en la creación de vidas hiperconscientes por su impulso de novedad, su amenaza de futuro, que diría Lukács. El asalto de la vida cotidiana es el más complejo en este sentido, porque requiere intervenir en el nivel donde se forman y se mantienen las inercias, donde el pasado domina más sobre el presente. Por eso la insistencia constante en el papel de la familia, en el rol de la mujer, del alcohol o de las nuevas asociaciones y clubes de adhesión voluntaria para el ocio, el tiempo libre, el trabajo o el cine. Fundamentales las posiciones avanzadísimas de los debates de la joven Unión Soviética, el amor libre, la posición de la mujer, la noción que hoy llamaríamos pos o hipermoderna de la religión como espacio formalista de ocio y entretenimiento a la que se puede contraponer la función de esparcimiento y propaganda del cine. Y muy interesante que esa posición de la religión se justifique por el atraso de la sociedad rusa, cuando ese formalismo religioso nos suena muy presente hoy en sociedades avanzadas. De nuevo, la relación entre religión y modernidad es siempre más compleja de lo que parece.
Lo mismo con la posición de las mujeres, el factor de la familia como freno para la entrada al partido y el desarrollo de la disciplina y el trabajo en su seno. La solución que se plantea es siempre de carácter organizativo: liberar a las mujeres del trabajo doméstico haciéndolo colectivo, de gestión común y estatal, alfabetizar y culturizar. Tengo la sensación, como la tuve al leer GB84, que el sujeto proletario partidario y disciplinado del último capítulo de Historia y conciencia de clase, que por serlo accede inmediatamente, desde su vida cotidiana, a alguna clase de aproximación a la totalidad, puede entenderse mejor desde el sujeto histórico trabajador femenino, una vez accede a la vida pública pero mantiene el peso del trabajo doméstico. Hay algo en lo que escarbar ahí.
Llamativa también la importancia dada a la prensa, a la importancia de las noticias y la forma de los periódicos, a los mapas y la geografía e incluso al lenguaje culto y aseado, que Trotski defiende llamando metódicamente al orden al sociologismo intelectual propio de las defensas intocables de lo popular, que fetichiza lo real y milita así siempre en el pasado.
En fin, un libro cojonudo y un grupo de discusión muy lúcido y productivo en el que, eso sí, faltaba alguna mujer, y más dados los temas planteados. El mundo de los nepmen y las concordancias con el universo de los relatos de Kollontai es, por cierto, fascinante para comprender la subjetividad de los cambios político-antropológicos de la revolución rusa.
Lo mismo con la posición de las mujeres, el factor de la familia como freno para la entrada al partido y el desarrollo de la disciplina y el trabajo en su seno. La solución que se plantea es siempre de carácter organizativo: liberar a las mujeres del trabajo doméstico haciéndolo colectivo, de gestión común y estatal, alfabetizar y culturizar. Tengo la sensación, como la tuve al leer GB84, que el sujeto proletario partidario y disciplinado del último capítulo de Historia y conciencia de clase, que por serlo accede inmediatamente, desde su vida cotidiana, a alguna clase de aproximación a la totalidad, puede entenderse mejor desde el sujeto histórico trabajador femenino, una vez accede a la vida pública pero mantiene el peso del trabajo doméstico. Hay algo en lo que escarbar ahí.
Llamativa también la importancia dada a la prensa, a la importancia de las noticias y la forma de los periódicos, a los mapas y la geografía e incluso al lenguaje culto y aseado, que Trotski defiende llamando metódicamente al orden al sociologismo intelectual propio de las defensas intocables de lo popular, que fetichiza lo real y milita así siempre en el pasado.
En fin, un libro cojonudo y un grupo de discusión muy lúcido y productivo en el que, eso sí, faltaba alguna mujer, y más dados los temas planteados. El mundo de los nepmen y las concordancias con el universo de los relatos de Kollontai es, por cierto, fascinante para comprender la subjetividad de los cambios político-antropológicos de la revolución rusa.
July 26, 2025
Essential reading for the revolutionary in your life, or in you. Back in the early Bolshevik Revolution days when he was still free to publish his thoughts in the press, Leon Trotsky advised, warned and cajoled his comrades to rectify themselves first, and then change the world. On map reading: "Comrades, without a glimpse at the map, political talk is so much claptrap!" Nuggets for the campaign against swearing in public life: "Is there another language that contains so many grotesque obscenities as Russian?". Ever the Marxist dialectician, Leon traces Russian profanity to an aristocracy that reviled the peasantry and taught peasants to hate themselves. Trotsky even chides his comrades for not tying their shoes properly: "There are no small matters in a revolution! An untied shoe may seem insignificant but indicates lack of discipline and devotion to tasks ahead". Well said, Leon. I once knew a Southern California Marxist who blamed "Menshevism" for tardiness in the revolutionary organization. Some people never learn these everyday habits, but here's a good place to start.
July 7, 2025
"Si la vieja generación, que es cada vez más reducida, aprendió el comunismo en los acontecimientos que caracterizaron la lucha de clases, la de hoy en cambio está destinada a aprenderlo y desarrollarlo en los factores de construcción de la vida cotidiana. En principio, las fórmulas de nuestro programa son correctas. Nos toca a nosotros ponerlas continuamente a prueba, renovarlas, llevarlas al plano de la experiencia práctica, y extenderlas a una esfera más amplia."
August 25, 2013
Noto in Italia come "Rivoluzione e vita quotidiana" (di libera distribuzione).
Il libro non è altro che una raccolta degli articoli pubblicati da Trotsky sul 'Pravda' nel periodo, c.d., di "transizione".(parliamo del 1923)
Le nota dote da scrittore e da oratore (Gli articoli erano stati elaborati da Trotsky a seguito di discussioni avvenute in riunioni con propagandisti a Mosca) di Trosky è davvero eccezionale, rendendo di facile e deliziosa fruizione concetti socio-politici all'apparenza tediosi.
Tocca argomenti come usi e costumi russi,la chiesa,la famiglia,l'educazione, l'emancipazione della donna, la morale comunista e rivoluzionaria,la cultura e la scienza; spiegando al lettore come il comunismo e la dittatura del proletariato siano prerogative necessarie a garantire la nascita di una nuova società di stampo Marxista.
Tutto ciò senza abbandonare mai l'oggettività nei propri ragionamenti, riconoscendo errori, mostrando così, con intelligenza e sincerità, la via per il comunismo.
p.s
Mi ha incuriosito la notevole speranza e fiducia di Trosky nella bandiera sovietica,in particolare nella NEP (1923, a seguito del "Comunismo di guerra")
Il libro non è altro che una raccolta degli articoli pubblicati da Trotsky sul 'Pravda' nel periodo, c.d., di "transizione".(parliamo del 1923)
Le nota dote da scrittore e da oratore (Gli articoli erano stati elaborati da Trotsky a seguito di discussioni avvenute in riunioni con propagandisti a Mosca) di Trosky è davvero eccezionale, rendendo di facile e deliziosa fruizione concetti socio-politici all'apparenza tediosi.
Tocca argomenti come usi e costumi russi,la chiesa,la famiglia,l'educazione, l'emancipazione della donna, la morale comunista e rivoluzionaria,la cultura e la scienza; spiegando al lettore come il comunismo e la dittatura del proletariato siano prerogative necessarie a garantire la nascita di una nuova società di stampo Marxista.
Tutto ciò senza abbandonare mai l'oggettività nei propri ragionamenti, riconoscendo errori, mostrando così, con intelligenza e sincerità, la via per il comunismo.
p.s
Mi ha incuriosito la notevole speranza e fiducia di Trosky nella bandiera sovietica,in particolare nella NEP (1923, a seguito del "Comunismo di guerra")
November 4, 2025
This a an absolutely wonderful collection of Trotsky, largely taken from the early Soviet press, although including later sources as well. It starts with his writings that were collected in a pamphlet, usually translated as 'Problems of Life,' dealing with things like "The struggle for cultured speech," and from there moves on to education with such gems as "Leninism and library work."
From there the books takes you to some of Trotsky's writings on science, and ends with various works on philosophy, economics, and politics--all defending dialectical materialism. As George Novack says in his introduction, The connection between culture and the socialist revolution is the axis of these writings."
See also Art and Revolution: Writings on Literature, Politics & Culture.
From there the books takes you to some of Trotsky's writings on science, and ends with various works on philosophy, economics, and politics--all defending dialectical materialism. As George Novack says in his introduction, The connection between culture and the socialist revolution is the axis of these writings."
See also Art and Revolution: Writings on Literature, Politics & Culture.
Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews