Bloody Lowndes: Civil Rights and Black Power in Alabama’s Black Belt

by Hasan Kwame Jeffries

Winner of the 2010 Clinton Jackson Coley Award for the best book on local history from the Alabama Historical Association

A remarkable story of the people of rural Lowndes County, a small Southern town, who in 1966 organized a radical experiment in democratic politics

Early in 1966, African Americans in rural Lowndes County, Alabama, aided by activists from the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), established an all-black, independent political party called the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO). The group, whose ballot symbol was a snarling black panther, was formed in part to protest the barriers to black enfranchisement that had for decades kept every single African American of voting age off the county’s registration books. Even after the passage of the Voting Rights Act, most African Americans in this overwhelmingly black county remained too scared even to try to register. Their fear stemmed from the county’s long, bloody history of whites retaliating against blacks who strove to exert the freedom granted to them after the Civil War.

Amid this environment of intimidation and disempowerment, African Americans in Lowndes County viewed the LCFO as the best vehicle for concrete change. Their radical experiment in democratic politics inspired black people throughout the country, from SNCC organizer Stokely Carmichael who used the Lowndes County program as the blueprint for Black Power, to California-based activists Bobby Seale and Huey P. Newton, who adopted the LCFO panther as the namesake for their new, grassroots the Black Panther Party for Self Defense. This party and its adopted symbol went on to become the national organization of black militancy in the 1960s and 1970s, yet long-obscured is the crucial role that Lowndes County“historically a bastion of white supremacy”played in spurring black activists nationwide to fight for civil and human rights in new and more radical ways.

Drawing on an impressive array of sources ranging from government documents to personal interviews with Lowndes County residents and SNCC activists, Hasan Kwame Jeffries tells, for the first time, the remarkable full story of the Lowndes County freedom struggle and its contribution to the larger civil rights movement. Bridging the gaping hole in the literature between civil rights organizing and Black Power politics, Bloody Lowndes offers a new paradigm for understanding the civil rights movement.

Genres: History, Nonfiction, Race, American History, Politics, Social Justice, African American

372 pages, Hardcover

First published July 1, 2009

Reviews

[Katie Hanna · Rating 5 out of 5]

WOW.

[Update: Below is the formal review I wrote for my graduate school seminar; I'm sorry if it comes across as really dry, but at least it gives you a better sense of what this book is about.]

Bloody Lowndes is the work of Hasan Kwame Jeffries, a scholar of African American history at Ohio State University. As its title suggests, this book is a local case study of black activism in Lowndes County, Alabama, over a roughly one-hundred-year period (1860s through 1970s). Jeffries uses this case study to propose a model for a new framework of civil rights history: Rather than focusing on separate, distinct periods such as Radical Reconstruction or Civil Rights or Black Power, Jeffries instead chooses to view the black freedom struggle as a single, continuous, intimately interconnected ‘web’ of history stretching from the end of the Civil War into the present day. The overarching goal of this continuous struggle, moreover, remained the same throughout: the attainment of what Jeffries calls “freedom rights,” or the rights and privileges (legal, economic, social, political, educational) which constitute the status of a truly free American citizen. In addition to his rejection of periodization, then, Jeffries also deliberately rejects those narrow interpretations of the civil rights struggle which claim that blacks—or ‘most’ blacks—only wanted voting rights and an end to discriminatory laws. Rather, since their official emancipation at the end of the Civil War, African-Americans have consistently aimed for full equality and the range of opportunities that it signifies—good jobs, equal pay, decent housing, quality schooling, fair and receptive government, and (as a tool for achieving these ends) meaningful political power.

As stated above, Jeffries makes his argument through a case study of the black freedom movement in Lowndes County, Alabama. The first chapter sheds light on the persistent efforts of Lowndes blacks to secure their freedom rights during the classic ‘pre-civil rights’ era, from 1865 to the 1950s; including mass voting (until poll taxes/literacy tests were introduced), the establishment and maintenance of black private schools, and aspirations to land ownership and economic independence. It also describes the constant, intensely brutal white-on-black violence which stifled black voices and forced them to withdraw some (but not all) of their public claims on freedom until the 1960s, when tides began to turn in their favor. Concentrated efforts by Lowndes County African-Americans to gain full citizenship rights began with the voter registration drives of 1965-1966, which, despite stiff resistance by whites, managed to register 40% of the black electorate in the space of one year. From voter registration, the Lowndes movement branched out to aim for school desegregation, control of federal funding, and improved economic conditions. Then, during the late 1960s, the black community formed their own grassroots third party, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO), with the goal of wresting political control of the region from whites and using it to advance black interests. This goal did, in fact, meet with considerable success in the ensuing years; however, keeping black officials in power quickly became an end in itself, and freedom rights as a concept ‘fell by the wayside’ somewhat. But, Jeffries asserts, this cannot take away the significance of what the Lowndes movement ultimately accomplished, in empowering local African Americans to rise up and take concrete, democratic action against a an all-encompassing system which had held them in virtual bondage for so long.

The example of Lowndes County makes for a compelling argument against the current emphasis on periodization in civil rights history, by providing clear evidence for a strong thread of continuity—namely, the drive for freedom rights—throughout the various phases of the struggle. Jeffries’ choice of the case study format is a wise one, as it allows him to delve deeply into a variety of historical themes (political, economic, social) while staying in a single, concentrated geographic area, thereby avoiding ‘losing’ his reader in an ocean of complexity. Moreover, although this is very much a politically-oriented, organizationally-driven history, Jeffries does an excellent job of incorporating individual characters and personal anecdotes in order to bring a sense of intimacy to his narrative. In summary, Bloody Lowndes is an excellent work of civil rights scholarship.

Favorite quote:

"When people talk about Selma, they tell you there's some bad white folks down there. When they talk about Wilcox County or Greene County, they tell you there's some bad white folks down there. But when you mention Lowndes County, they say, 'there's some bad n****** down there.' We gonna show Alabama just how bad we are!"

[JRT · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book traces the century long struggle for Black folks in Alabama’s “Black Belt Counties”—particularly Lowndes County—to achieve freedom rights in the face of white terrorism, Jim Crow, and the long shadow of chattel slavery. Author Hasan Kwame Jeffries does a beautiful job depicting the vibrancy and persist political struggles of Lowndes County, Alabama over time. However, there can be no doubt that this is an extremely sad book.

There are many recurring themes through this historical retelling—particularly—the unified belligerence of white resistance to even a modicum of Black progress in the region. Time and time again, despite multiple political movements and decades of organization, white folks managed to maintain white supremacy, primarily by resorting to violence, fraud, flight, and structural impediment. Based on this fact alone, it is not surprise that Black life in Lowndes County is still a struggle.

Nevertheless, the story of the struggle for Freedom Rights in Lowndes County, specifically the focus of SNCC and the LCFO, is a beautiful tale of Black autonomy, independence, and self-determination. While it ultimately falter for a number of different reasons (all detailed in the book), it leaves a lasting impact on all those interested in alternatives to Black politics (i.e. “Black Power”), rather than reliance on the same ole American political duopoly.

There are many lessons to be learned from this book. First, “Black Power” was not a theory or philosophy, it was a specific political agenda and outcome that represented some of the most advanced forms of democracy this country has ever seen, and probably ever will see. And it from emanated from community-centered decision-making that sought to advance the masses of Black people in Lowndes County through the mass organization of independent Black politics (via the LCFO).

The second lesson is that Black folks always have and probably always will disagree on how best to confront or survive white supremacy. Part of the reason why the LCFO ultimately failed is because of disunity among the Black community itself around the issue of Black independence. This is a tale as old as time for Black politics in America, but it led to some exceedingly sad examples of opportunism from even some of the most venerated movement activists in the area.

Finally, the role of education generally and political education more generally cannot be overstated. The movement toward Black political independence only stood a chance due to the efforts to politically educate each and every interested Black person in the County. Once this ceased, the consciousness of the people waned and the movement was picked apart by opportunism and run-of-the-mill party politics.

Ultimately, the Lowndes County movement for freedom rights is a story of beautiful struggle, exuberant triumph, and crushing defeat all rolled into one. It highlights the spirit of Black resistance that has always lived in this country, and hopefully will never die.

[Charlie]

Several features of Jeffries' book make this a very valuable resource for activists:

1. It is a great study of fundamental-change community organizing by the Student Nonviolent Coor Committe (SNCC) project in Lowndes. It emphasizes the respective roles of community leaders and outside organizers, with the proper relationship of the indispensible nature of the former and the valuable support played by the latter.

2. It gives a real-life example of the issues involved in revolutionary options available in differing historic periods regarding how to use electoral politics to further the development of movements and their leaders.

3. It's an excellent study in how various forces worked together (and at odds) on how to overthrow the terrorism of Jim Crow in the immediate time and how to simultaneously build for a future informed by a radical vision of social and economic justice.

4. This study also is good for liberals who have been affected by mainstream interpretations of how the movement and politics of Black Power hindered the Civil Rights movement. It really helps set the record straight on the mainstream notoriety of Stokely Carmichael et al.

[Tom · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book is a very in-depth look at the fight for freedom rights in one county in Alabama. It is very detailed, with lots of footnotes, and I really found it extremely interesting. I first became aware of this book through the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University. The author, who has an appointment at Kirwan, was giving a talk at nearby Antioch College, and I saw him speak on the topic of this book. I had been meaning to read it, and with events such as the Supreme Court ruling on the Voting Rights Act and the 50th anniversary commemoration of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, it came back into my mind. It was a very worthwhile read.

Lowndes County is the county between Selma and Montgomery in the state's Black Belt. Despite the population being predominantly African-American, up until 1964, the county had no registered African-American voters. The book details the extreme economic and political hardships faced by the rural county's population, and the constant threats of violence that they faced. County registrars did everything in their power (often by purposely doing absolutely nothing) to keep African-Americans disenfranchised. In addition to only allowing people to register to vote only two days a month in person, county officials further made it difficult by having the registrations take place inside the county jail.

Similarly, anyone with the audacity to even attempt to register often faced reprisals, whether physical violence, eviction, or the loss of employment if they worked for anyone in the white power structure. The reprisals were ubiquitous and would not receive any outside media attention unless one of the victims happened to be white (which is a tradition that the media generally carries on today). While a white victim might garner enough attention to get a grand jury hearing, or perhaps an indictment, it still would not result in any convictions. Violence against African-American generally had no consequences and could only be quelled by the collective armed resistance of African-Americans. It was interesting how in Lowndes County, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) were often at odds with shows of force. Canvassers in Lowndes County often carried weapons for personal safety, and often times would have firearms on hand at demonstrations (such as in the trunks of cars) should trouble start. When meetings were held at churches, the community would often have armed guards stand outside at the doors in case of night riders.

County activists, with the help of SNCC members including Stokely Carmichael, organized a grass roots registration drive and started the process of creating an independent party. Given the treatment that the African-Americans received from both the Republican and Democratic Parties, this comes as no surprise. The Democratic Party of Alabama even had the emblem of a white rooster with a banner around it reading "White Supremacy For The Right" and this appeared on ballots. The scale of such overt institutional racism occurring less than 50 years ago is always difficult for me to fathom. For example, when the schools started to be integrated, the white population created a private school, Lowndes Academy, to keep a whites only educational environment alive.

The solution to the disenfranchisement was the creation of the Lowndes County Freedom Organization, and it selected a snarling black panther as its emblem. This was prior to the more well known Black Panther Party in California led by Huey Newton. The movement relied on door-to-door canvassing and extensive education campaigns to inform the people voting for the first time. The LCFO education was also important to ensure that the citizenry knew how to keep elected officials accountable.

While the first several election seasons (1966 and 1968) were not successful in terms of electoral victories, they did lay the groundwork to the election of African-American sheriffs, coroners, school board members, county commissioners and tax assessors. Eventually African-Americans broke through the electoral wall, but unfortunately some of the focus of the officials changed from grassroots movement politics focused on the community to personal politics focused on the individual candidate. Lowndes County still has severe problems with poverty to this day.

[Kelli Peters · Rating 5 out of 5]

Hasan Jeffries work in Bloody Lowndes draws the readers attention to the fight for civil rights and voting rights in a violent area of Alabama during the 1950s and 1960s. Jeffries is able to expose the early works for SNCC and Stokely Carmichael in this work and introduces the reader to the Lowndes County Freedom Organization which organized itself as a political party for African Americans in Lowndes County and used the Black Panther as its image. The LCFO and the image of the Black Panther along with Carmichael's ideas about black power influenced the creation of the Black Panther Party for Self Defense that began in Oakland later in the 1960s. Jeffries work provides important information about the struggle for voting rights in the south during the Civil Rights Movement.

[Andee Nero · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is one of the best Civil Rights Movement books I have read. Not only is it well-organized and straightforward, but it takes the movement out of a vacuum, looking at it as part of a struggle originating before the Civil War. The idea of "freedom rights" cannot be understood without an awareness of the slavery from which they were derived.

[Simon · Rating 5 out of 5]

Definitively one of the best movement books I've read in a long, long time.

[Micki Hill · Rating 5 out of 5]

An eye opener to those who study politics in America and want the truth about the birthplace of Black Power

[Jake Pokorny · Rating 4 out of 5]

Just an incredible story of determination. The view of the civil rights activities’ uphill climb of generational systemic racism, structural and cultural impediments and white terrorism is almost too much to bear. But they persevered. Can’t applaud this story enough, but I’m upset about John Hulett’s unfortunate moral corruption; detaching from the freedom politics and becoming a political machine. But, to his defense, once becoming sheriff, he was able to drastically reduce terrorism among the local black population.

Overall, this book is an inspiring story that should be told to every new generation. There are no prerequisites to joining politics: being for the people is enough and you can make a change. Stokley Carmichael is a hero of mine, right up near the top of my list next to Malcolm X, John Lewis and Fred Shuttlesworth 🤍

[Frank Duke · Rating 4 out of 5]

This was a hard book to read. I grew up in Alabama in the 1960s and was completely unaware of the events described in this book until taking a course on the civil rights movement last year; it was an eye opener. The book was recommended to me by the class instructor.

The first part of the book was hard to get into. It seemed like a superficial overview of the oppression of African Americans in the South in the early part of the 20th century. As the book moved into the events of the 1960s it became more interesting, but also more depressing to realize that this was going on in my youth and I knew nothing about it. While a hard book for a white Southerner from Alabama to read, it is an important book that should be read, describing a little known series of events in Alabama's Black Belt.

[Craig Werner · Rating 4 out of 5]

Excellent monograph focusing on the local Alabama movement that gave rise to the original--organizational rather than rhetorical--Black Panther party. It's an important story about how a determined coalition--involved local elders, young SNCC activists, and federal registrars empowered by the 1965 Voting Rights Act--transformed Lowndes County's political landscape in a stunningly short period of time. The party lost the election, but there are many lessons that continue to reward the attention of activists interested in results rather than sound bytes.

[Sarah Toppins · Rating 3 out of 5]

Very academic book on a terrible time in Alabama history. Lowndes County is next to Selma, where the march from Selma to Montgomery forced the local government to permit blacks to register to vote. Half of this book is footnotes and the author includes lots of names. For a quick read of the book, read the last four or five pages of each chapter to get a summary of the chapter without the footnotes and names.

[Margaret Weinberg · Rating 4 out of 5]

A very interesting book about a lesser known aspect of the civil rights movement -- grassroots organizing in rural Alabama after the major legislative victories of '64 and '65. Some of the most interesting parts of this book are Jeffries' analysis of "freedom rights" and "freedom politics," and his treatment of the long-standing ethic of self-defense in Lowndes County. Only took away a start because the breadth of this book made it hard to follow at times and to fully find Jeffries' thesis.

[Joelle · Rating 5 out of 5]

Very thorough research! A deep dive into an aspect of the Civil Rights movement that I was unaware of. I discovered that people that I heard at lectures on campus in college were very instrumental in the movement. Even the mascot of my alma mater, Clark Atlanta University (Panthers) had a part in the ideas and emblems that shaped the activism of the movement! Absolutely recommend reading!

[Jaz Boon · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book was special to me as my grandmothers family is from Lowndes County. My interest about Lowndes County was first piqued while reading about King’s march from Selma. I wasn’t aware that the county my grandmother grew up in, where I spent many summers under the Alabama sun caked in sweat and bright red earth, dodging the relentless fire ants, and enjoying endless days and nights with countless cousins, aunties, and uncles, was also one of the single most bloody and dangerous locales prior to and during the civil rights movement. Jeffries traces the history of the fight for freedom in Lowndes from Reconstruction through present day. Black Americans in Lowndes stood tall despite the economic oppression and literal life and death struggle for freedom. This book paints a moving picture of a people growing in strength to breaking through with freedom politics. All is not well, however, as the freedom movement gets co-opted into mainstream politics over time. But hope remains; there are those in Lowndes working now to revive freedom politics, organize the people, and work toward liberation. Straight forward read for the curious.

[Beththena Johnson · Rating 4 out of 5]

Must read! This history of the fight for civil rights and political power in Alabama's Black Belt will illuminate the relationship between grassroots organizing and the rise of the Black Power movement

[Jaclyn Ekhoff · Rating 5 out of 5]

Read for my MA class on the Civil Rights Movement. Anyone remotely interested in the movement should not sleep on this book. WOW. Reframes so much of the master narrative of teaching about the movement.

[Bernard Iannone · Rating 5 out of 5]

The definitive work on the subject.

[Sam · Rating 5 out of 5]

Required reading.

[Jana Kelnhofer · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is theeeee book for me on the Civil Rights struggle/movement/organizing.

[Moe · Rating 5 out of 5]

I'm really enjoying this book. The author does an excellent job developing the readers understanding by defining the historical context relevant to events that transpired in Lowndes, Alabama.

[Tommy · Rating 4 out of 5]

back on my monograph bullshit; really well-researched and easy to follow

[Emily de Jong · Rating 4 out of 5]

(4/5) This book was a required reading for Doctor Hasan Kwame Jeffries' (the author's) Civil Rights and Black Power course at Ohio State University, but just because it was a required read didn't mean it was an arduous one.

In my experience, students of American History, are often presented with broader, overarching histories of the American Civil Rights and Black Power Movements, rather than being presented with specific examples of community-oriented resistance. In the case of Bloody Lowndes, however, readers are introduced to the latter. This book serves as a mid 1800s to mid 1900s case study of Lowndes County, Alabama, a rural county that remained rife with widespread discriminatory practices, the most pertinent to the novel being voter discrimination and the systematic refusal of the vote to Lowndes' Black residents. Instead of focusing heavily on the SCLC, National perspective that the Civil Rights Movement is often intimately tied to, the county of Lowndes became a prime example of the power of grassroots organizing done by SNCC and the Black Panther Party, emphasizing the instrumental importance of the Black community in affecting change.

Overall, this book serves as a great read for both historians of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements, as well as modern revolutionaries who seek to inspire concrete, demonstrated change in their communities today.

[Mick Gaughan · Rating 5 out of 5]

Exceptional history of Black political activism in the Alabama Black Belt