The ubiquitous nature and political attraction of the concept of order has to be understood in conjunction with the idea of police. Since its first publication, this book has been one of the most powerful and wide-ranging critiques of the police power. Neocleous argues for an expanded concept of police, able to account for the range of institutions through which policing takes place. These institutions are concerned not just with the maintenance and reproduction of order, but with its very fabrication, especially the fabrication of a social order founded on wage labour. By situating the police power in relation to both capital and the state and at the heart of the politics of security, the book opens up into an understanding of the ways in which the state administers civil society and fabricates order through law and the ideology of crime. The discretionary violence of the police on the street is thereby connected to the wider administrative powers of the state, and the thud of the truncheon to the dull compulsion of economic relations.
Un libro muy muy bueno. Esencial para conocer a fondo la naturaleza del carácter de clase del Estado burgués, así como de los orígenes históricos y políticos del poder policial, el cual debe ser comprendido como algo que va mucho más allá del cuerpo profesional de Policía y cuya meta es la salvaguarda del orden social capitalista. Lo único malo, a mi juicio, que la traducción del título -del original A critique of Police Power- como Maderos, chusma y orden social es pésima e inexacta.
Looks at the police (well, European and US domestic police) and how they are situated in the titular fabric of social order, as well as what "social order" is and where our current obsession with it comes from (spoiler alert: it's liberalism). There are a number of interesting reformulations Neocleous proposes in this book when he examines the social and political role of the police, the police state, and the welfare state (Neocleous says the delineation between the police state and the welfare state has meandered pretty freely over the past 200 years or so, which is a good thing for any abolitionist to think on imo.)
One thing Neocleous does a lot of, which temporarily bumped my review on this book up from 4 stars to 5, is examine the words we use to talk about police, their etymologies, how they are shaped in other languages, etc. I am personally really tickled by etymology and many other readers are too, so you might like that. (For example, "police" were invented to enforce "policy"; "propriety" describes the way diligent members of the bourgeoisie act re: "property" - little things like that.)
However, one star has been deducted again after acknowledging this delight, to bring the book back down to a 4, because only domestic policing within Europe and the US is discussed basically at all. And even there we primarily just see discussion based in the UK specifically as well as the US. I think it would be really, really challenging to lay out as clear of a vibe check on other cultures' ways of instilling social order too, especially in a book which was short enough for a layperson to deal with, so I don't fault Neocleous on that. But it would be cool for abolitionist discourse to have more of that and sadly this book ain't where to find it.
Arguably, some of Neocleous' most inspiring and best work. The author teases out a genealogy of the police apparatus in Western Europe in order to show the power structures that are concealed behind its current, commodified liberal face. The links that appear between the economy, society and politics that become visible through this cut offer a relatively disturbing picture of the ways how "society" is fabricated and our understanding of the police apparatus is too narrow to fully appreciate the way it "works", instead of sticking just with the ideologized representation of what it is and ought to be.
Excellent refutation of the liberal myth that the police exist to enforce the law or keep us safe, Mark develops a systematic critique of the police in capitalist society. He describes the history of police in Europe since the Renaissance and answer questions such as what are the social causes of the police? why does social order require maintaining? in whose interests does the Police (as an institution of the State) operate?
Not sure how to rate this. 3 for writing and structure. 4 for research and content? Frequently awkward, circular, or self congratulatory. I often found myself tripping on premature conclusions, as they appear loosely argued at best. Much of the time though, Neocleous will eventually present enough material for one to construct the argument in reverse. But because this is not always the case, I found myself wary to the point of distraction, trying to distinguish (with no hint from Neocleous) between what would prove to be unsupported conclusions and premature assertions that are actually a sort of introduction to the next argument. If this is a writing style then I’m not a fan; it felt like following an intelligent but drunk debate, where the content is 90% insightful 10% bluff, and totally out of order.
Overall, while loyal Verso readers are likely to be ready to believe Neocleous’s criticisms of capitalism / that police serve the bourgeoisie, I doubt this is tightly argued enough for a real skeptic to be convinced - too many leaps, or at least the appearance of leaps. However I’d still recommend it. Exhaustively researched, the text brings together the genealogy of policing with a fresh lens for a critical theory of the state - but its value to most may be in undermining assumptions about the origin of policing and stimulating further thought. Do yourself a favour and skip the new introduction. I love patting myself on the back as much as the next card carrying leftist, but it felt almost gross in its nods to how supremely correct we are. The arrogance was palpable. The new introduction was similarly plagued with backwards argumentation - what could have been a normal overview of what will be discussed (aka “introduction”), the preview is mixed with and made indistinguishable from various other unsupported claims. Kind of baffling tbh. Might be a good conclusion though.
Polis deyince aklınıza suçluları yakalayıp adalete teslim eden üniformalılar geliyorsa, gelmesin.
Mark Neocleous polis kavramının Avrupa'da ortaya çıkışından başlayıp, bu kurumun ne işe yaradığını kitabında pek güzel anlatmış. Emekçilerin geleneksel hakları, kapitalizmle birlikte nasıl birer suça dönüştü? Hukukun üstünlüğü ne demektir, polis ve hukuk ilişkisi eskiden beri nasıl olagelmiştir?
Polisin ve hukukun bu kadar tartışıldığı bir zamanda ve ülkede, ufkunuzu genişletecek makul uzunlukta bir çalışma.
Yazarın üslubunun okumayı zorlaştıran bir kurulukta olduğunu ve zaman zaman anlamı derinleştirmeyen tekrarlara kapıldığını da belirteyim. Öte yandan bilgi edinme sürecinin kendisinin her zaman zevkli olması da gerekmiyor zaten.
Comprehensive view concerning the institution of police, introducing trivia such as the Latin origin of 'security' - 'to be without concern', yet also goes deep into the historical beginnings of how states started observing domestic activity and enforcing legal procedure.
The book also denotes the content from a Marxian perspective and references Slavoj Zizek in passing.
“It is in this spirit of excess that the book contains no proposals for reform. The reader searching for how to make the police and social policy more democratic (more representative, more democratic, more accountable, less racist, less oppressive, and so on) is best advised to read another book.”
This might seem like a strange complaint about a book with "Critical Theory" in its title, but this was way too academic and, well, theoretical for my liking. I prefer my political harangues couched in a framework of supporting historical exposé (like Domenico Losurdo, for example) instead of insular references to previous works of philosophy and theory, which cause this book to become rather stuffy and abstract, in my opinion.
I also found it to be, frankly, poorly written. It often lapsed into redundant, self-referential breaks in argument ("I will argue," "to which I will return later in this chapter," etc.), which is a huge pet peeve of mine. You don't need to tell me what you're arguing or what will be explored when - just argue and explore!
Llibre que explica, en certa manera, l'evolució de la policia al llarg de la història moderna i com el seu paper va canviant per a adaptarse a les formes de govern del context històric el qual es situa. Així i tot, considere que en moltes fases del llibre s'utilitza un llenguatge un poc confús, citant en moltes ocasions referències d'altres autors, de forma desmesurada i desconectada, que no ajuden a entendre el concepte el qual s'està tractant. Al mateix temps, considere que l'objectiu de l'autor és fer arribar al lector a una mateixa conclusió, però que la manera de fer-ho és algo complexa, i que no aconsegueix definir-la d'una forma clara i explícita.
Police are the bureaucrats acting on behalf of the state - their primary goal is to create “order” (maintain social hierarchies, which are necessary to the capitalist order) and not to enforce the law as is commonly supposed. The law itself is a slippery concept to the police who often move beyond it and/or are allowed to use their own discretion. Thereby, taking on the supposed role of the judicial. They are seen as the “thin blue line” between a state of disorder… the point is of course they are, because the capitalist system with its social hierarchies if of course unstable with working classes wanting to disrupt this unfair system.
Polis erki ve Avrupa tarihindeki geçmişten günümüze yansımaları üzerine harika bir inceleme. İktidar ve onun baskı aracı olarak icat ettiği polis erkine farklı bir bakış açısı getiriyor.
Neocleous narrates how the 'police function' (which extends far beyond the organ of police) emerged and transformed with capitalism, and its fundamental imbrication with the emerging class relations. He traces this function to the collapse of feudalism, when the concept of police had already been established as “legislative and administrative regulation of the internal life of a community to promote general welfare and the condition of good order…and the regimenting of social life” (53). This regulation became a pressing need as growing mercantile trade and mobility of labor crumbled the power of the feudal estates. A new class of dispossessed serfs were freer than before to gamble, drink, ‘wander’ and demand higher wages, threatening the social order and centralizing politico-legal force (54-55). Early policing thus served to manage social disorder in the place of the former regulation of the estates (55), but its primary purpose was to re-form relations of authority and service once upheld by them by quelling disorderly conduct (55, 60-61). As capitalism emerged from the wake of feudalism with its wage labor relations, however, police function shifted from abolition of disorder to active shaping of the social body, from negative to positive (61). In this absolutist state ordered by the sovereign instead of divinity, policing was ever more concerned with ensuring prosperity and the general welfare of society (61), because the state had the task of “actively promoting the general welfare and common good by fostering its productive energies” (63). By implementing increasingly interventionist policies, the police state not only maintained order but constituted it. In an epoch increasingly defined by equivocation of state and the social body, this fostering of commerce and productivity was justified in terms of general welfare (69). The new science of government (mercantilism/Cameralism) unified political economy and police, the happiness of the state and prosperity (72). This meant that policing functioned to maintain good order and prosperity. Crucially, the question of prosperity entails those of poverty and work: “behind the police of the state of prosperity as the basis of order was a more specific concern over the place of the poor and the potential threat posed by the new ‘class’ of poverty to the emerging structures of private property” (76). Capitalism and its good order demanded a dependent working class to produce its surplus value. Ensuring dependence on wage labor thus became the crucial function, the fabrication of the bourgeois order by regulating and shaping the class of poverty, regulating those who threatened this order, particularly beggars and vagrants (76). Thus the principle of police power is the administration of poverty (79).
The main thesis is that police exist and have always existed primarily to maintain and enforce the dominant social order, not, as they are often perceived, to enforce laws. Neocleous sets about debunking a number of myths aimed at obscuring the political nature of police power.
There are some interesting points about vagrancy laws and the way they enable the discretionary power vital to police function—their origin lies not in a reaction to crime or social disorder, but in an enforcement of the performance of labour vital to the constitution of capitalist order. "Vagrancy is regarded by the ruling class as a crime against capitalist order in general, a kind of ur crime from which all other crime stems."
While there's undoubtedly some good stuff in here, I didn't find it compellingly written and threw in the towel after about 100 pages.
Libro muy bueno para odiar a la policía con conocimiento de causa.
Bastante denso, ya que explica la historia de la policía en sentido amplio, es decir, de la estructura generada para el mantenimiento y buen funcionamiento del orden social. Por ello, la historia de la policía es contada de la mano de la historia del Estado. Desde su origen en los estados absolutistas, la adopción del término por parte del estado liberal, hasta la creación del cuerpo de policía. Esto último se trata sobre todo en el último capítulo, donde más material hay para llenar de contenido teórico los esloganes ACAB/1312.
Interesante también la separación que hace entre pobres y vagabundos. Los primeros son necesarios, ya que la pobreza es el motor necesario para generar riqueza. Los segundos son el verdadero estorbo para el orden social y el enemigo a erradicar por la policía.