One of the most important assertions made in this short piece, is that class struggle also manifests in the reproduction of everyday life. I don't think many Marxists deny this, but in my experience, they tend to place more of an emphasis, or even concern themselves with class struggle at the point of production. Marxists aren't the only ones who do this though, there are also strong tendencies of this sort in the IWW (of which I am a member). James claims that "the lifestyle unique to themselves which a people develop once they are enmeshed in capitalism, in response to and in rebellion against, can't be understood at all except as the totality of their capitalist lives,". Racism and sexism push people to fulfill certain expectations and social roles which then translate into acquired capabilities that then determine their lives, and is consequently understood by others as their "human nature". All these factors contribute to an international division of labor: "The social power relations of the sexes, races, nations, and generations are precisely, then, particularized forms of class relations".
She claims that focusing on class struggle at the point of production is inherently limiting because it ignores unwaged labor, such as house work, which enable the working class to socially reproduce itself for another day at work and/or to produce new human bodies to sacrifice upon the altar of exploitative wage labor.
Another assertion made in Sex, Race and Class is that people do not have to be at work to resist/subvert capitalism. She uses examples of the Black peoples' movement and riots of the 1970's and the women's movement to illustrate moments in which the class doesn't confine itself to the walls of the workplace. More importantly, James critiques existing "working class institutions" like trade unions which actually divide us as a class just as much as the capitalist mode of production, and Leninist parties which are only one section of the class and thus can't possibly express the experiences and interests of another section.
Based on the experience of these the Black peoples' and women's' movements, she says: "In order for the working class to unite in spite of the divisions which are inherent in its very structure- factory v. plantation v. home v schools-those at the lowest levels of the hierarchy must themselves find the key to their weakness, must themselves find the strategy which will attack that point and shatter it, must themselves find their own mode of struggle".
"Nothing unified and revolutionary will be formed until each section of the exploited will have made its own autonomous power felt".