I was rather surprised by the third volume of Klemperer's diaries: the first two had distinctly left me with the impression that Klemperer saw nazism and communism as affiliated totalitarianisms. I had actually assumed that this volume would present communism as a lesser evil in comparison to Nazism rather than to capitalism. But by the time we come to this volume, he'd clearly concluded that change was needed to ensure there was no repetition of Nazism and saw communism as the best way to achieve that: "(I)n my opinions and as a voter have stood by the Liberals; that can also be gathered from my publications. If, without any alteration to this inclination, as far as my fundamental view of philosophy and especially the philosophy of history is concerned, I nevertheless request to be admitted to the Communist Party, then for the following reasons: I believe, that to remain unattached to a party today is a luxury, which with some justice could be interpreted as cowardice or at least as excessive indolence. And I believe that only a very resolute left-wing movement can get us out of the present calamity and prevent its return. As a university teacher I was forced to watch at close quarters, as reactionary ideas made ever greater inroads . We must seek to remove them effectively and from the bottom up. And only in the KPD do I see the unambiguous will to do so."
It's not a position that history has been particularly kind to, not least given the current tendency of the parts of the former East Germany to vote for the far right AfD party. In practice, Klemperer's views start to be challenged relatively quickly: "I heard that Plievier really has gone to Munich. In an interview there he said that he had been forced to remain silent for 11 years and now wanted to live in a country in which he was allowed to say everything... It is very upsetting for me that the whole of the intelligentsia is going over to the other side like this. But we must, we must hold on to our position and I still believe – not in the pure idealism and the blamelessness of the Russians, but that their cause, regarded ideally, is the better one, and regarded practically, is, in the long term the winning one." They also receive challenges from anonymous letters that explicitly suggested that his support for communism was incompatible with his previous critique of nazism: "I was betraying my convictions, because the present regime matched the Hitler one... linguistically the man is right, also I have long been making notes on it anyway – but practically he is simply altogether not right – even if with respect to literature I feel myself confined and tyrannised."
Klemperer repeatedly documents behaviour that counted as prototypical examples of totalitarianism: "the reciprocal mistrust inside the Party, the fanaticism of the younger generation: to these people no - one is ‘a proper Marxist’. Virtually an atmosphere of inquisition... I know how everything is fixed and how spontaneity and unanimity are prepared. I know that under the Nazis it sounded just the same and proceeded in just the same way . I know how little reality there is behind it... The ghastly similarity to Nazi methods in the propaganda for the Soviet Friendship Society, in the hullabaloo around Stalin’s birthday cannot be denied... Our never-ending professional conversation is regularly about the Party censorship, which is becoming ever more tyrannical. One trembles at every single word, in case it could be seen as anti-Marxist. In both of us there is a constant resistance to the senseless narrow - mindedness of this uncontrolled censorship."
As Klemperer becomes growingly disenchanted with the GDR, he increasingly defends it as a lesser evil to capitalist West Germany, partly driven by the rehabilitation of former Nazi officials into Adenauer's government and partly by the increasingly imperialistic nature of American foreign policy. He does still travel to Western states and does not particularly critique them from his impressions, give or take complaints about excessive traffic in West Berlin. By contrast, events like the Doctor's Plot, Beria's downfall and the invasion of Hungary trouble him but only gradually undermine his faith in communism rather than leading to a complete break: "Both sides lie, hush up, slander, I can no longer feel any enthusiasm for ‘us’, I merely find the Federal Republic ‘even worse’, I feel ever more strongly the confinement, the isolation, the futility of the situation here, especially my own. I am particularly irritated every day by the emptiness of our news reporting, above all on the wireless. I usually switch off the ‘Commentary’ of the day – after 10 words I know the rest... Profound political disappointment.... to seek ‘freedom and security in the Bonn state, to publicly support the Bonn regime! I find that odious... Of my enthusiasm there remains only: we are the lesser evil. And: Marxism is a) better than our SED government, b) a religion like other religions – and I cannot believe... Perhaps, probably even, it is egotism, more than anything else, that binds me to the GDR. Here I am someone, here I am wealthy, here I am a great scholar. What, of all that, would I be in the West? My belief in the pure intentions, the pure humanitas of the Soviets is long gone. But over there they are not any better, only more polished. And we here are the lesser evil nevertheless... Marxism is a faith like Catholicism – I am without faith."
In his final years, Klemperer finds himself in the position of having his work censored in the GDR: although he could easily publish in Austria or Switzerland, he is reluctant to do so for fear of harming the GDR. Eventually, he refuses to make the demanded cuts and does not publish at all. Unsurprisingly, he is increasingly critical of the GDR: "We are unable to get rid of Fascism: here in a somewhat more Asian, in the West in a somewhat more European form. In Bonn one is allowed to be in opposition and gets two or three years in prison; here one absolutely has to keep one’s mouth shut.... Thanks to my China trip and fully acknowledging the prodigious achievements here I have finally become an anti-Communist . This cannot have been Marx’s ideal condition."
Klemperer died in 1960, a few years before the construction of the Berlin wall.