The Fascist Tradition

by John Weiss

Fascism arises as a result of a dialectical isolation of ideologies: radical leftism on the one pole, radical rightism on the other, each drawing constituency from the interstitial less extreme progressive and conservative masses. The radical right traces its lineage back to the feudal aristocracy, reluctantly forced to accept social reform following the triumph of liberal democracy that sprang from the enlightenment and French Revolution. The classical liberals were by no means the antecedents of the modern progressives and socialists however. Firm establishment of property rights and limited suffrage would found the basis for capitalism and its rapid successes during the 18th and 19th centuries, thus it is the conservative movement that shares the values of classical liberalism. The oppressive conditions capitalism subjected upon the working class spurred the radical socialist movement, and its companion reformist movement. Demands for universal suffrage, tolerable working conditions, wealth distribution, among others, and a growing fear of socialist revolution sparked a counter-reaction among conservatives in both Italy and Germany at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. Constituents of the conservatives included the industrialists, the aristocracy, as well as middle class shopkeepers, all of whom called upon their representatives to resist reform at any cost. Conservatives in turn resorted to commissioning radical rightist groups (e.g. blackshirts) to terrorize and violently disrupt the leftist movement. The growing necessity for reactionary measure allows for an organized fascist party to gradually gain power via traditional election. The employment of deceptive, anti-Semitic, racist rhetoric, the propagation of hyper-nationalist values, promise of increased welfare for the lower class, all work to turn sentiment in fascist favor. Racism, though not necessarily antisemitism, and imperialism, are necessary conditions of fascism.

Genres: Politics

151 pages, Paperback

First published January 1, 1967

Reviews

[Walt · Rating 3 out of 5]

Weiss spends a lot of time splitting hairs over the distinctions between German Fascism, Italian Fascism, Spanish Fascism, and many other forms of fascist governments. The result is a short work that is so complex and convoluted that it is difficult to determine if Weiss even defined Fascism.

The editor's introduction sums up the book intelligibly well. Weiss offers some insightful observations; but he appears unable to make many generalizations; because he always seems to find an example that refutes the claim he is trying to make. I believe the editor of the series tried to summarize Weiss' arguments; but gave up and just advocated reading the book for yourselves.

I did not realize it until I read this book; but Fascism is a form of extreme right-wing politics. This can account for the almost blind hatred of Communism. However, Weiss does a good job in showing how and why fascism emerges from the fringe right. Among other traits (but not universal to all forms), fascists are hostile to mass democracy, believe in a natural aristocracy to rule, idealize manly virtues (like a farmer or blacksmith), and advocate military buildup and aggression. Other popular qualities include racism and strong, but simple, ideology.

His theories and observations fit in well with Germany and Italy. However, he says that there were other fascist movements that did not subscribe so neatly to their famous counterparts. Weiss focused on Spain, arguing that Franco was not a fascist....He was just a simple despot of the era. Weiss stresses that Fascism took hold only in societies that were rocked by economic, industrial, and social disorder. He said the impetus for Mussolini and Hitler was the change in Europe from a rural and agricultural society to an urban and industrial society. The old order was fearful of losing its status and power. They made alliances with radical elements on the fringe, men who were not afraid to be as confrontational as the labor and communist foes. But once they tasted power, they wanted more.

Weiss clearly has a hard time addressing the economic aspects of Fascism. A popular trait among Fascists was to rail against big industry and capitalism. However, once in power, they frequently sided with those very forces and were more eager to pursue capitalist goals than the capitalists themselves. Weiss notes that in many fascist governments, the economic bedrock was essentially forced labor. Adding to the confusion, Weiss draws on early works by Mussolini in particular that are far more liberal and left-wing than fascist.

Overall, this book offers a fascinating glimpse into a complex form of government. Despotism may be more apt, especially if the reader tries to identify universal traits among five or more fascist governments. His insights on fascist ideology and its simple messages and powerful advertising do more to explain the horrors of Nazi Germany than many books focusing on the Nazis.