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132 pages, Kindle Edition
First published January 1, 1927
"No man would want to be President of the United States in strict accordance with the Constitution. There is no sense of power in merely executing laws; it comes from evading or augmenting them."
Henry Louis Mencken: a contrarian and master writer, it must be said. The book itself is not only bold in its aim (to discredit and attack that most cherished political institution) but also in the way Mencken goes about it—through a kind of rhetorical violence, an artillery barrage of wit, eloquence and scathing criticism.
Does he succeed? Modern democracts would hope not. If my opinion is any indication, however, I would say that Mencken does succeed in his broadest aim: to make the reader think critically about democracy and democratic society. This is not say that his arguments always hit the mark (they do often go awry or miss altogether) but that, in the broad strokes, it is often hard to disagree.
From here on the review will be divided into parts. The first will be purely about Mencken in a literary perspective; it will concern his language and writing style. The second part will be about his political points, and will inevitably be more opinionated.
Mencken as a Writer
What is immediately apparent when reading Mencken is the language. There is simply no ignoring it. His eloquence is breathtaking; his mastery of the American language laudable; and he is wonderfully verbose, his prose turgid and somehow still very readable. To employ one example of many:
I confess, for my part, that it greatly delights me. I enjoy democracy immensely. It is incomparably idiotic, and hence incomparatively amusing. Does it exalt dunderheads, cowards, trimmers, frauds, cads? Then the pain of seeing them go up is balanced and obliterated by the joy of seeing them come down.
You’ll have also noticed that I say the ‘American’ language, and not the English language. This is because Mencken is indeed distinctly American: not only in outlook, but in the idioms and words that he employs. I confess to never having heard of such as terms as mountebanks, bugaboos, dunderheads, or indeed hobgoblins. It is wonderfully amusing.
Nonetheless, it must be said that Mencken—like so many talented writers—does at times overindulge. He can be excessively verbose. His prose is at times so full of elaborate wordcraft, Latin phrases, and obscure historical allusions that it leaves one struggling to keep up; indeed, I struggle to understand what he’s even trying to say.
Generally speaking, however, this is not the norm. So long as one’s grasp of the American language (or in the case of an English writer like I, the nearby reach of a dictionary) is reasonably secure, Mencken is quite readable.
Mencken as a Thinker
Inevitably, the main scope of this review lies with the ideas presented in Notes on Democracy. There are actually a number, and I shall surmrise them briefly for the sake of clarity:
Mencken unfortunately tries to take it a step further. He believes that the mob are congenitally idiots; they are born with a limited intellect. This view is undoubtedly influenced by Darwinism (of which he is a great fan), and its bastard cousin, social Darwinism. His view is unfortunately the product of a very early and limited understanding of biology that lacks advanced knowledge of race and genetics. (Menckel is also a racist, likely influenced by the so-called ‘science’ conducted in his day that ‘proved’ blacks were inferior.)
The mob is sovereign in a democratic society, regardless of whether or not it is ‘representative’ and indifferent of how many constitutional hurdles there are. He gives the eighteenth ammendment (Prohibition) as an example.
Democracy is inherently linked with Puritanism; it engages in a great deal of persecution against minorities, heretics, and other such hobgoblins. Menckel believes there are two fundamental causes: envy and fear. Fear of what the average ‘yokel’ cannot understand (such as evolution) and envy of others who have a good time.
Democracy likes capitalism. Capitalism is about greed, self-aggrandisement, and impoverishing the other fellow. This corresponds to the base desires of homo democratus.
And finally, democratic societies will always be lead by demagogues and hacks. Those who appeal to the vagaries and fears of the mob will, as a rule, become the Congressmen, the Senators, and the judges. This will occur regardless of whether the democracy is direct or representative; in the former demagogues will shift and manipulate public opinion in much the same way.
So: do these criticism have any merit? Of course they do. But some more than others. Hence, I will address each of them separately, to begin with.
Are the Mob Idiots?
As Menckel puts it:
Examples from our own time are so numerous and notorious that it is needless to direct attention to them. It is axiomatic that all measures for safeguarding the public health are opposed by the majority, and that getting them upon the books is mainly a matter of deceiving and checkmating it. What happened in Los Angeles when a vaccination ordinance was submitted to a popular referendum is typical of what would happen anywhere under the same circumstances. The ordinance was rejected, and smallpox spread in the town. The proletariat, alarmed, then proceeded against it by going to Christian Scientists, osteopaths and chiropractors.
Without a doubt Menckel’s central thesis is his strongest. The examples he gives are mirrored in the modern US: anti-vaxxers, Christian groups that blame cancer on abortion, or STIs on contraception; the monsters that Mencken rallies against are here and very much alive, 80 years on.
Indeed, you can quite easily substitute a whole host of contemporaneous issues straight into Menckel’s argument. To quote him from a separate work:
As democracy is perfected, the office of president represents, more and more closely, the inner soul of the people. On some great and glorious day the plain folks of the land will reach their heart's desire at last and the White House will be adorned by a downright moron.
Donald Trump, anyone?
It doesn’t stop there, of course. Here across the pond, the mob voted to shoot itself in the foot and chose Brexit. The year before the proletariat voted to elect a Tory government; when the Tories tried to cut tax credits, it was like the turkeys realised what Christmas meant. (See this link.)
Indeed, the sheer number of catastrophic decisions that the mob makes—and against demonstrable fact, such as on evolution, global warming and the cause of the banking crisis—is staggering.
Mencken believed many spurious things. Behaviourist psychology is now all but discredited. There’s no such thing as a superior race. But in this, Mencken is not discredited; the fact is, his argument—even 80 years on— applies just as easily to the issues of today as it did back then. It is simply inconceivable for it to not lack a grain of truth.
Are the Mob Congenitally Idiots?
Where Menckel’s thesis begins to weaken is when he takes the argument above a step further, and claims that the mob is not only just full of idiots; the mob are destined, by genetics, to be full of idiots.
We can tell Menckel is mistaken by looking away from the US of A and across the Atlantic. A great deal of what Mencken describes does not exist here in England, or in the Netherlands. There is nothing like the anti-vaxxer or the anti-abortion movements here in England, and nor do religious fanatics elect members of parliament.
In the Netherlands, there is no Puritan prosecution of the kind Mencken describes. Alcohol is legal. Holland was the first country to bring in gay marriage. You can kiss your brother. Even drugs are legal.
So clearly, idiocy in politics is not biological in nature if there can be such vast differences between nations.
Furthermore, there appears to be no genetic link underlying political lunacy. Working class children can and do become competent statesmen—John Major is one example.
But if the mob is not populated by idiots out of biological necessity, than why are there so many damn idiots? The cause is more likely to do with education and expertise. On a first point of order, the mob makes bad decisions because very few of those in it are economists, historians or statesmen. Frankly, issues of complex economic, political, legal and historical means are beyond the ken of a cashier at Tesco. (Or Wal-Mart, for you Americans.)
There is also scarce doubt that education makes a great deal of difference. The reason the Netherlands is generally well run, and the reason that the US is generally badly run, is because the populus of the two nations are radically different where it comes to education and the media.
In the US, few know anything about economics or statecraft. In the Netherlands civil education is taken seriously. In the UK, the gutter press publish propaganda under the direction of Rupert Murdoch. Fox News does the same across the pond. But in Holland, the media as a whole is of a higher regard.
Are the Masses Really Sovereign?
Mencken, in his usual eloquent fashion, argues that all democratic systems of government are practically the same:
The lowly Christian I have limned is not only the glory of democratic states, but also their boss. Sovereignty is in him, sometimes both actually and legally, but always actually. Whatever he wants badly enough he can get. If he is misled by mountebanks and swindled by scoundrels it is only because his credulity and imbecility cover a wider area than his simple desires. The precise form of the government he suffers under is of small importance. Whether it be called a constitutional monarchy, as in England, or a representative republic, as in France, or a pure democracy, as in some of the cantons of Switzerland, it is always essentially the same.
Undoubtedly, many democrats—I’m thinking of the likes of Robert Dahl or Noam Chomsky in particular—would bristle at this. They’re always complaining about how the political elites don’t represent the people; that if only a purer form of democracy were brought in, the nation would find its succour.
But in Menkel’s words, the solution to democracy is not more democracy. The fact of the matter is that it even the most watered down democracies—with representatives, first-past-the-post, constitutions and lawyers—the people still choose who to vote for. At the end of the day, political parties generally share the prejudices of their voters. And if the voters find themselves overly discontent with the current political regime, they vote in radicals. Front National, Podemos, Syriza, UKIP—it is only a matter of time before the common man gets what he wants, and gets it good and hard. (Once more I quote Mencken.)
Mencken discredits his opponents further, however. Even if democracy were pure, the mob will still be misled by peddlers of fanciful lies. The fact of the matter is, the ordinary girl at Sports Direct does not know much, or have much opinion on, the matters of EU treaties, environmental legislation, or tax law. She votes on sentiment, and those who can understand and manipulate her prejudices—be it Farage with his xenophobic rhetoric, the Conservatives with their ‘economic plan,’ or the likes of Podemos with their implausible promises—can and will convince her to vote in way or the other.
But this is not to say that the masses lack sovereignty—that they are manipulated without end. Menkel recognised this dichtomy, and had a clear answer to it: the mob is still, obviously, a mob. It is unpredictable and has many contradictory and shifting prejudices.
The mob is ultimately sovereign; if the demagogue or politician (which according to Mencken, usually amount to the same thing) fails to adapt to the shifting wind, he will be thrown overboard—a new demagogue in his place.
Democracy and Puritanism
To be perfectly frank, I don’t buy Mencken’s argument that democracy is inherently linked with Puritanism. Firstly this is because such a claim is obviously wrong—the Netherlands, a very democratic country, is about as far from Puritanism as you can get.
Mencken fell foul to three false premises in making this claim. He firstly knew only of the US, and secondly cherry picked to ignore less convenient examples elsewhere. Thirdly: he based his argument on psycho-babble.
It’s ironic, actually. In Notes on Democracy Mencken criticises the psychologists of the 19th century, but then proceeds to accept a bogus psychology (behaviourism) while providing a false psychology of the democratic masses.
The reality is, the democratic masses are not all jealous and afraid of each other, or envious of the higher classes. While Mencken is correct to assert that jealousy and fear are the main (though perhaps not only) causes of Puritanism—hence anti-LGBT laws or the banning of alcohol or nude art—he is incorrect to believe that the masses are by nature Puritan.
As with believing that political acuity is genetic, Mencken simply takes his argument too far on the basis of ideas that (while popular in his time) are simply false.
Democracy and Capitalism
According to Mencken, capitalism is popular under democracy because:
Democratic man can understand the aims and aspirations of Capitalism; they are, greatly magnified, simply his own aims and aspirations.
If we recall, the aims of democratic man are to be fed, safe, entertained, and above all to have some sort of upperhand against his fellow man. Looking at modern America—with its obesity, its 24/7 reality TV, and its crude oppression of the lower economic classes—it is easy to accept this.
But perhaps it is not quite the whole story. Many communist governments, like that in Cuba, do have a good deal of public support. (47% of Cubans have a positive view of Raul Castro, for example.)
Or maybe the psychology of democratic man is to some degree the psychology of human beings in general. Of course we want to be well-fed, entertained, and some of us do secretly want to outdo the other.
But I feel Mencken is ultimately mistaken here. For one, a good part of the reason why communisms fail to take root in democratic societies is because communist movements tend to be revolutionary—and unless the situation is very dire, no one really wants a revolution. Mencken is correct when he says that being safe, warm and fed is more important to the average man than abstract concepts of liberty or communist dreams of the emancipation of the workers.
Another issue is that democratic societies are generally wealthy societies. Europe, America, and Japan are obvious examples. The Chinese, on the other hand, do not have democracy; nor do many in the Middle East, Africa or South America. This inevitably biases the ratio of capitalist democracies.
Mencken’s biggest mistake, however, is more fundamental. He simply assumes that human psychology is immutable and constant across the ages. But he is quite mistaken: hunter gatherer societies were frequently communist. Matriarchy was once more common that patriarchy.
The Dignity of the Politician
Mencken finally blamed democracy for undermining the decency of its politicians. To be a politician and gain power, one must tell the electorate what they want to hear. A politician is therefore either an unprincipled hack, or he insults his principles by deceiving the electorate whenever they turn against him.
Hillary Clinton is perhaps a prime example of this. Her politics changes with the wind.
But what of the likes of Jeremy Corbyn? He has stuck fast to his principles for the past 30 years.
Mencken would say that he is the exception that proves the rule; for the past 30 years he has been a backbencher, and the only reason he’s an MP is because of the vagaries of FPTP. When your constituency has a large number of impoverished people and champagne socialists, there is no need to sell elaborate lies and vacuous soundbites. You can be true to what you are.
Conclusion
Mencken is undoubtedly a fascinating thinker and an eloquent writer. But more than that: he’s refreshing. Usually, I am told that democracy is the best thing since sliced bread; especially by Liberals, but also by other creatures of the political spectrum.
If I claim to doubt democracy, I am not merely a fool; I am a heretic. An authoritarian.
Mencken drops a bucket of cold water over that. Where other thinkers make metaphysical defences of the value of democracy, or come up with elaborate explanations of why democratic societies make poor decisions (usually because there’s not, eh, enough democracy), Mencken offers a frank and rational critique of democracy.
He’s not always on the money. Democracy does not have to be Puritan; stupidity is a function of ignorance, not genetics. But in his main argument he is correct: democracy is fundamentally flawed because of its mistaken belief in the collective wisdom of individual ignorance.
Are there solutions? Mencken does not offer them, and it is beyond the scope of this already lengthy review to consider them.
All I will say is that if you enjoy having your foundational beliefs challenged by a witty, intelligent contrarian, Notes on Democracy is the book for you. It may have some obscure historical allusions, it may be verbose, but damn, it’s good—both logically and rhetorically.
Rating: 4/5
I allude to the fact that man on the lower levels, though he quickly reaches the limit of his capacity for taking in actual knowledge, remains capable for a long time thereafter of absorbing delusions. What is true daunts him, but what is not true finds lodgment in his cranium with so little resistance that there is only a trifling emission of heat.Throughout this work, Mr. Mencken rails against suckers and idiots but leaves me wondering who appointed him as the ultimate arbiter.
Learning survives among us largely because the mob has not got news of it. If the notions it turns loose descended to the lowest levels, there would be an uprising against them, and efforts would be made to put them down by law.He certainly reminds us that what we’ve experienced in our national political circus is nothing new and is a phenomenon that will recur again and again.
The demagogue is one who preaches doctrines he knows to be untrue to men he knows to be idiots. The demaslave is one who listens to what these idiots have to say and then pretends that he believes it himself. Every man who seeks elective office under democracy has to be either the one thing or the other, and most men have to be both.The good news in all this is that if you’re aware of the weaknesses of the masses, there’s both profit and power within easy reach. The executives of modern media enterprises are well aware of this concept, to point at just one such group. Or remember Alec Baldwin in Glengarry Glen Ross? “You've got the prospects coming in. You think they came in here to get out of the rain? A guy don't walk on the lot lest he wants to buy. They're sitting out there waiting to give you their money. Are you gonna take it? Are you man enough to take it?”