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God, Grades, and Graduation: Religion's Surprising Impact on Academic Success
The surprising ways in which a religious upbringing shapes the academic lives of teens
It's widely acknowledged that American parents from different class backgrounds take different approaches to raising their children. Upper and middle-class parents invest considerable time facilitating their children's activities, while working class and poor families take a more hands-off approach. These different strategies influence how children approach school. But missing from the discussion is the fact that millions of parents on both sides of the class divide are raising their children to listen to God. What impact does a religious upbringing have on their academic trajectories?
Drawing on 10 years of survey data with over 3,000 teenagers and over 200 interviews, God, Grades, and Graduation offers a revealing and at times surprising account of how teenagers' religious upbringing influences their educational pathways from high school to college. Dr. Ilana M. Horwitz estimates that approximately one out of every four students in American schools are raised with religious restraint. These students orient their life around God so deeply that it alters how they see themselves and how they behave, inside and outside of church.
This book takes us inside the lives of these teenagers to discover why they achieve higher grades than their peers, why they are more likely to graduate from college, and why boys from lower middle-class families particularly benefit from religious restraint. But readers also learn how for middle-upper class kids--and for girls especially--religious restraint recalibrates their academic ambitions after graduation, leading them to question the value of attending a selective college despite their stellar grades in high school. By illuminating the far-reaching effects of the childrearing logic of religious restraint, God, Grades and Graduation offers a compelling new narrative about the role of religion in academic outcomes and educational inequality.
It's widely acknowledged that American parents from different class backgrounds take different approaches to raising their children. Upper and middle-class parents invest considerable time facilitating their children's activities, while working class and poor families take a more hands-off approach. These different strategies influence how children approach school. But missing from the discussion is the fact that millions of parents on both sides of the class divide are raising their children to listen to God. What impact does a religious upbringing have on their academic trajectories?
Drawing on 10 years of survey data with over 3,000 teenagers and over 200 interviews, God, Grades, and Graduation offers a revealing and at times surprising account of how teenagers' religious upbringing influences their educational pathways from high school to college. Dr. Ilana M. Horwitz estimates that approximately one out of every four students in American schools are raised with religious restraint. These students orient their life around God so deeply that it alters how they see themselves and how they behave, inside and outside of church.
This book takes us inside the lives of these teenagers to discover why they achieve higher grades than their peers, why they are more likely to graduate from college, and why boys from lower middle-class families particularly benefit from religious restraint. But readers also learn how for middle-upper class kids--and for girls especially--religious restraint recalibrates their academic ambitions after graduation, leading them to question the value of attending a selective college despite their stellar grades in high school. By illuminating the far-reaching effects of the childrearing logic of religious restraint, God, Grades and Graduation offers a compelling new narrative about the role of religion in academic outcomes and educational inequality.
260 pages, Kindle Edition
Published December 14, 2021
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Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews
May 23, 2022
Are religious and non-religious parents asking of schools what’s historically been asked of churches? To what extent should people of faith believe differently about success, work, and performance? Why are American Jewish women more professionally ambitious than American Protestant women? Horwitz answers none of these questions. She does, however, provide helpful data for anyone who would like to give these answers a go.
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August 25, 2024Hello I'd like to talk to everyone I know who went to a weird religious undergrad about this book
January 20, 2023
This was book was an interesting recap of a longitudinal study of religion and its effects on teen educational outcomes. I feel like this would have been better in a peer-reviewed journal and did not need to be the length of a book.
January 8, 2023
The author examines the role of religion (chiefly Protestant Christian) within the lives of professedly devout Americans, and its impact on educational outcomes. Drawing on data of over 3,000 families, the author differentiates between nominal, secular membership to a church versus an all-encompassing religious lifestyle, which permeates schooling and attitudes.
She finds a common thread based on class, rather than race or culture. Not surprisingly, the "abiders" -- people raised in religious homes and committed to religious observance -- among the lower-income (blue collar) groups show deeper familial ties and civic involvement, as well as greater academic achievement than the non-observance in both grades K-12 and higher-level education. However, affluent (mostly white) homes that are secular seem to do better economically than religious parent professionals. Apparently, religion yields greater material rewards and advantages among the lower-class "abiders," who exhibited greater positivity, direction, and motivation in contrast to their secular peers, who often ended up drifters or addicts; the abiders were more likely than the secular to pursue college, which the author views as crucial to social and economic advancement. In addition, they also possess greater mental and moral strength -- reliance on an Upper Power and church infrastructure for guidance; avoidance of drugs, crude culture, and premarital sex, as well as the crowds gravitating toward such vices. She attributes part of the success to greater availability of tools and resources--i.e. congregations will network or share responsibilities, as well as material goods, basically providing a "leg up" which, in non-sectarian circles, might be provided through welfare and social programs. Basically, the religious benefit from a greater sense of community.
Traditional gender norms and expectations are prevalent: most of the girls, including the high achievers, opt for marriage and children, as well as less selective colleges, in spite of high grades and wider options. Similarly, the boys view themselves as future main providers, fathers and husbands. They often choose parochial colleges or colleges close to home, in order to maintain family ties and values. Indeed, that entire culture falls under the rubric of what the author calls "religious restraint": these youngsters not only filter out anything contrary to their beliefs or lifestyle, but make their religion the benchmark, if not lodestar, of all their activities. Many, for example, want to pursue some kind of missionary work. They clearly lead G-d-centered lives.
The author is respectful of her data and subjects. However, I did sense a liberal bias--i.e., the premium she places on college as the key to a higher-income life. Never mind that the value of academia is being questioned today, especially in light of all the left-wing craziness. Ironically, wouldn't this hint at greater need for religion in the schools? By discounting the achievements of upper-class "abiders," and focusing on the dependence of the lower classes on a moral-spiritual framework, could she be subtly reiterating Karl Marx's attack on religion as "opiate for the masses"? In her eyes, religion is fine for the poor--but not the crackpot SJWs, largely the offspring of highly secular--and amoral--homes. Considering their current bent toward self-destruction, some of the atheists might actually do well to crack open a Bible.
In addition, the author blames many academic or economic failures on "systemic" problems -- poverty, lack of resources--rather than other factors like genetics, or simply, free choice. Perhaps this topic is too highly charged in today's "woke" culture. Environment undoubtedly plays a part as a catalyst and developer of the human psyche; nevertheless, intelligence has other sources. It is not something money can buy or create. A number of successful people never finished or attended college--Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, Mark Zuckerberg, Steven Spielberg. No one attributes intellect or creativity to affluence. (Steve Jobs, who was adopted, had always complained that his family was poorer than the others.) Moreover, education alone, let alone religion, does not make a person "smart." Learning is often self-directed. For the record: I am not against college, but attendance, as well as success, requires focus, and a certain type of mind.
Part of the author's comparisons are based on research on Jewish girls, who she concludes are far more ambitious than the Middle-American girls. (So does this mean nature vs. nurture?) This finding, she says, is based on studies--and personal experience--in Jewish schools. Which ones? Reform? Conservative? The Orthodox schools would paint a different story, a story similar to their Christian counterparts. With the exception of the Modern Orthodox--or possibly Lithuanian, where women pursue careers in order to support their Torah-scholar husbands--right-wing Jewish women are very family-oriented. While many do work outside the home, out of choice or necessity, family remains their priority. And, in Jewish rituals, the female role.
The author appears ambivalent toward the academic success of devout students. While acknowledging the positive impact on religion, especially young lower-class men, she still seems to view fundamentalism as a kind of threat, especially toward non-white or marginalized (particularly LGBTQ) people. Never mind that Asian communities are traditionally disciplined and high-achieving. Everything here is seen through the lens of race, while ignoring other variables. White Americans may dominate church pews (and she asserts that we are still a faith-based nation); however, they did not invent timeless societal values.
She finds a common thread based on class, rather than race or culture. Not surprisingly, the "abiders" -- people raised in religious homes and committed to religious observance -- among the lower-income (blue collar) groups show deeper familial ties and civic involvement, as well as greater academic achievement than the non-observance in both grades K-12 and higher-level education. However, affluent (mostly white) homes that are secular seem to do better economically than religious parent professionals. Apparently, religion yields greater material rewards and advantages among the lower-class "abiders," who exhibited greater positivity, direction, and motivation in contrast to their secular peers, who often ended up drifters or addicts; the abiders were more likely than the secular to pursue college, which the author views as crucial to social and economic advancement. In addition, they also possess greater mental and moral strength -- reliance on an Upper Power and church infrastructure for guidance; avoidance of drugs, crude culture, and premarital sex, as well as the crowds gravitating toward such vices. She attributes part of the success to greater availability of tools and resources--i.e. congregations will network or share responsibilities, as well as material goods, basically providing a "leg up" which, in non-sectarian circles, might be provided through welfare and social programs. Basically, the religious benefit from a greater sense of community.
Traditional gender norms and expectations are prevalent: most of the girls, including the high achievers, opt for marriage and children, as well as less selective colleges, in spite of high grades and wider options. Similarly, the boys view themselves as future main providers, fathers and husbands. They often choose parochial colleges or colleges close to home, in order to maintain family ties and values. Indeed, that entire culture falls under the rubric of what the author calls "religious restraint": these youngsters not only filter out anything contrary to their beliefs or lifestyle, but make their religion the benchmark, if not lodestar, of all their activities. Many, for example, want to pursue some kind of missionary work. They clearly lead G-d-centered lives.
The author is respectful of her data and subjects. However, I did sense a liberal bias--i.e., the premium she places on college as the key to a higher-income life. Never mind that the value of academia is being questioned today, especially in light of all the left-wing craziness. Ironically, wouldn't this hint at greater need for religion in the schools? By discounting the achievements of upper-class "abiders," and focusing on the dependence of the lower classes on a moral-spiritual framework, could she be subtly reiterating Karl Marx's attack on religion as "opiate for the masses"? In her eyes, religion is fine for the poor--but not the crackpot SJWs, largely the offspring of highly secular--and amoral--homes. Considering their current bent toward self-destruction, some of the atheists might actually do well to crack open a Bible.
In addition, the author blames many academic or economic failures on "systemic" problems -- poverty, lack of resources--rather than other factors like genetics, or simply, free choice. Perhaps this topic is too highly charged in today's "woke" culture. Environment undoubtedly plays a part as a catalyst and developer of the human psyche; nevertheless, intelligence has other sources. It is not something money can buy or create. A number of successful people never finished or attended college--Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, Mark Zuckerberg, Steven Spielberg. No one attributes intellect or creativity to affluence. (Steve Jobs, who was adopted, had always complained that his family was poorer than the others.) Moreover, education alone, let alone religion, does not make a person "smart." Learning is often self-directed. For the record: I am not against college, but attendance, as well as success, requires focus, and a certain type of mind.
Part of the author's comparisons are based on research on Jewish girls, who she concludes are far more ambitious than the Middle-American girls. (So does this mean nature vs. nurture?) This finding, she says, is based on studies--and personal experience--in Jewish schools. Which ones? Reform? Conservative? The Orthodox schools would paint a different story, a story similar to their Christian counterparts. With the exception of the Modern Orthodox--or possibly Lithuanian, where women pursue careers in order to support their Torah-scholar husbands--right-wing Jewish women are very family-oriented. While many do work outside the home, out of choice or necessity, family remains their priority. And, in Jewish rituals, the female role.
The author appears ambivalent toward the academic success of devout students. While acknowledging the positive impact on religion, especially young lower-class men, she still seems to view fundamentalism as a kind of threat, especially toward non-white or marginalized (particularly LGBTQ) people. Never mind that Asian communities are traditionally disciplined and high-achieving. Everything here is seen through the lens of race, while ignoring other variables. White Americans may dominate church pews (and she asserts that we are still a faith-based nation); however, they did not invent timeless societal values.
January 18, 2025
Can faith influence academic success? This question is central to Ilna Horowitz’s groundbreaking sociological study, Gods, Grades & Graduation: Religion’s Surprising Impact on Academic Success. Published in 2022, the book delves deep into the complex relationship between religious belief and educational achievement, with a particular focus on the experiences of Christian adolescents. Drawing on a rich, mixed-methods analysis that combines large-scale surveys and in-depth interviews with academic tracking data, Horowitz explores how the values and structures inherent in religious families and communities play a pivotal role in shaping students’ academic paths. But as Horowitz’s nuanced findings reveal, the link between prayer and grades is far from straightforward, and she challenges us to look beyond simple answers to understand the myriad ways in which faith intersects with the educational landscape.
Horowitz’s analysis unfolds across two interconnected levels. The first level Horowitz explores is the concept of “religious restraint,” a term she uses to describe the moral and social framework that religious communities often provide. This framework, according to Horowitz, is not merely about attending church services or participating in rituals but instead extends into the very fabric of a child’s socialization process. Religious parents, Horowitz notes, typically emphasize order, discipline, and the importance of family time, creating a nurturing yet structured home life that prioritizes respect for authority and kindness. This “restraint” goes beyond the family, influencing the child’s broader social sphere. This includes their participation in religious congregations that help oversee activities and provide advice, and through friendships within these communities, thereby reinforcing a network of shared values and expectations. Horowitz argues that this comprehensive social and moral scaffold provides a solid foundation not only for personal development but also for academic success.
The second level focuses on the individual’s response to these environments. While the central dichotomy in this response is between “abiders” and “nonabiders,” abiders are those who fully embrace the social environment shaped by religious restraint and seek to develop a personal relationship with God. They are characterized by a deep integration of their faith’s values into their daily lives, which seeps into a strong focus on their academic endeavors. These individuals, Horowitz finds, tend to excel academically across subjects, demonstrating that discipline, respect for authority, and playing by the rules align well with the demands of the educational system.
However, the success of abiders isn’t straightforward. While the principles of religious restraint uniformly benefit abiders across race and gender lines, it is a much different story in terms of socioeconomic status. For working-class and middle-class students, the structured support and moral guidance inherent in religiously restrained environments tend to positively correlate and bolster academic success. However, this positive correlation diminishes among the poorest and wealthiest students. Those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds often lack the comprehensive support network that facilitates academic achievement, whereas wealthier abiders may excel academically but tend to prioritize altruistic and non-materialistic goals over traditional markers of success, such as high-paying careers. In other words, faith and religious restraint aren’t enough by themselves but instead are highly shaped by socioeconomic status.
While gender doesn’t seem to impact academic achievement for abiders, gender does play a large role in these teens’ life trajectories. While religiously restrained environments advocate for values that support academic achievement, they also reinforce conventional gender norms. This influence is notably pronounced among female abiders within Christian contexts, who, despite achieving academic success, are steered towards embracing traditional roles such as marriage, motherhood, and domestic responsibilities. In contrast, Horowitz sheds light on a distinct group she dubs “Jewish career girls,” who are socialized within their religiously restrained environments to prioritize academic and career success, with traditional family roles taking a secondary position. This differentiation highlights a significant variance in how religious restraint impacts female aspirations across different religious backgrounds. Horowitz’s analysis suggests that while the religious and social structures promote discipline, respect, and academic excellence, they also navigate the expectations for women in diverging directions—offering a scaffold for academic success but delineating the boundaries of acceptable female aspirations differently across religious traditions.
Horowitz’s analysis doesn’t only focus on the academic trajectories of abiders but also nonabiders. Nonabiders may be religious but don’t fully identify with religious traditions or internalize their communities’ values or structure to the same extent as abiders. These individuals often resist the discipline and authority that characterize religiously structured environments, leading to lower academic achievement and a reduced likelihood of success in high school and college compared to their abiding peers. However, this isn’t true for all nonabiders. In the final chapter, Horowitz examines atheists, particularly atheists who were religious in their youth but whose persistent curiosity and questioning led them to veer away from Christianity. She found that like abiders, this group experienced academic success, but this success stemmed from atheists’ intrinsic motivation and self-direction in learning, rather than adhering to a strict moral code. In other words, with atheists, we see academic success emerging from multiple, and sometimes, opposing sources.
To conclude, Ilna Horowitz unveils the nuanced ways in which faith, family, and education converge, offering profound insights into the complex impact of religious belief on academic success. Through her examination of abiders, nonabiders, “career girls,” and atheists, primarily within Judeo-Christian contexts, Horowitz sheds light on the diverse roles that religious restraint and individual belief systems play in educational outcomes. While the study provides a valuable exploration of how religiously structured environments can support academic achievement, it also prompts a reflection on its broader applicability, highlighting a need for further research into the experiences of individuals across a wider array of religious traditions. This acknowledgment of the study’s focus primarily on Christian participants underlines the importance of expanding our understanding to include how different religious and secular frameworks shape the path to academic and personal fulfillment. Ultimately, Horowitz’s work challenges us to reconsider the intersections between personal faith, social structures, and education, inviting a deeper analysis and exploration of the multifaceted ways religious and educational institutions intersect in America.
Horowitz’s analysis unfolds across two interconnected levels. The first level Horowitz explores is the concept of “religious restraint,” a term she uses to describe the moral and social framework that religious communities often provide. This framework, according to Horowitz, is not merely about attending church services or participating in rituals but instead extends into the very fabric of a child’s socialization process. Religious parents, Horowitz notes, typically emphasize order, discipline, and the importance of family time, creating a nurturing yet structured home life that prioritizes respect for authority and kindness. This “restraint” goes beyond the family, influencing the child’s broader social sphere. This includes their participation in religious congregations that help oversee activities and provide advice, and through friendships within these communities, thereby reinforcing a network of shared values and expectations. Horowitz argues that this comprehensive social and moral scaffold provides a solid foundation not only for personal development but also for academic success.
The second level focuses on the individual’s response to these environments. While the central dichotomy in this response is between “abiders” and “nonabiders,” abiders are those who fully embrace the social environment shaped by religious restraint and seek to develop a personal relationship with God. They are characterized by a deep integration of their faith’s values into their daily lives, which seeps into a strong focus on their academic endeavors. These individuals, Horowitz finds, tend to excel academically across subjects, demonstrating that discipline, respect for authority, and playing by the rules align well with the demands of the educational system.
However, the success of abiders isn’t straightforward. While the principles of religious restraint uniformly benefit abiders across race and gender lines, it is a much different story in terms of socioeconomic status. For working-class and middle-class students, the structured support and moral guidance inherent in religiously restrained environments tend to positively correlate and bolster academic success. However, this positive correlation diminishes among the poorest and wealthiest students. Those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds often lack the comprehensive support network that facilitates academic achievement, whereas wealthier abiders may excel academically but tend to prioritize altruistic and non-materialistic goals over traditional markers of success, such as high-paying careers. In other words, faith and religious restraint aren’t enough by themselves but instead are highly shaped by socioeconomic status.
While gender doesn’t seem to impact academic achievement for abiders, gender does play a large role in these teens’ life trajectories. While religiously restrained environments advocate for values that support academic achievement, they also reinforce conventional gender norms. This influence is notably pronounced among female abiders within Christian contexts, who, despite achieving academic success, are steered towards embracing traditional roles such as marriage, motherhood, and domestic responsibilities. In contrast, Horowitz sheds light on a distinct group she dubs “Jewish career girls,” who are socialized within their religiously restrained environments to prioritize academic and career success, with traditional family roles taking a secondary position. This differentiation highlights a significant variance in how religious restraint impacts female aspirations across different religious backgrounds. Horowitz’s analysis suggests that while the religious and social structures promote discipline, respect, and academic excellence, they also navigate the expectations for women in diverging directions—offering a scaffold for academic success but delineating the boundaries of acceptable female aspirations differently across religious traditions.
Horowitz’s analysis doesn’t only focus on the academic trajectories of abiders but also nonabiders. Nonabiders may be religious but don’t fully identify with religious traditions or internalize their communities’ values or structure to the same extent as abiders. These individuals often resist the discipline and authority that characterize religiously structured environments, leading to lower academic achievement and a reduced likelihood of success in high school and college compared to their abiding peers. However, this isn’t true for all nonabiders. In the final chapter, Horowitz examines atheists, particularly atheists who were religious in their youth but whose persistent curiosity and questioning led them to veer away from Christianity. She found that like abiders, this group experienced academic success, but this success stemmed from atheists’ intrinsic motivation and self-direction in learning, rather than adhering to a strict moral code. In other words, with atheists, we see academic success emerging from multiple, and sometimes, opposing sources.
To conclude, Ilna Horowitz unveils the nuanced ways in which faith, family, and education converge, offering profound insights into the complex impact of religious belief on academic success. Through her examination of abiders, nonabiders, “career girls,” and atheists, primarily within Judeo-Christian contexts, Horowitz sheds light on the diverse roles that religious restraint and individual belief systems play in educational outcomes. While the study provides a valuable exploration of how religiously structured environments can support academic achievement, it also prompts a reflection on its broader applicability, highlighting a need for further research into the experiences of individuals across a wider array of religious traditions. This acknowledgment of the study’s focus primarily on Christian participants underlines the importance of expanding our understanding to include how different religious and secular frameworks shape the path to academic and personal fulfillment. Ultimately, Horowitz’s work challenges us to reconsider the intersections between personal faith, social structures, and education, inviting a deeper analysis and exploration of the multifaceted ways religious and educational institutions intersect in America.
January 8, 2026
The premise of this book is straightforward: religious students tend to achieve greater academic success than their non-religious peers, with one notable exception. Students from wealthy backgrounds are likely to succeed academically regardless of their religious affiliation. From this data, the author concludes that religion provides individuals with structure, community, motivation, and a sense of authority, all of which contribute to academic achievement.
After finishing the book, I was unsure what to do with this information. I do not disagree with the findings, and in many ways, I identified with them. I grew up in a religious household and succeeded academically, and I believe that my religious upbringing and the way I understood my faith positively influenced my academic performance.
Overall, this was a solid and well-researched book, but I did not walk away with a clear takeaway or sense of application. I am not entirely sure what that means, but that is ultimately where I landed after reading it.
After finishing the book, I was unsure what to do with this information. I do not disagree with the findings, and in many ways, I identified with them. I grew up in a religious household and succeeded academically, and I believe that my religious upbringing and the way I understood my faith positively influenced my academic performance.
Overall, this was a solid and well-researched book, but I did not walk away with a clear takeaway or sense of application. I am not entirely sure what that means, but that is ultimately where I landed after reading it.
August 16, 2024
The author's views on religion are incredibly shallow, secular, and ultimately very pragmatic. This affects the analysis in the book a lot. She also isn't interested in connecting epistemology with ethics, so there will never be an honest look at why people genuinely change their minds, which is ultimately related to both ethics and epistemology hand in hand. Otherwise, the data is good and interesting, though not surprising.
June 26, 2023
Interesting, but nothing really surprising since I grew up in this world.
April 9, 2025
Super interesting!! But also kind of repetitive
Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews