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496 pages, Hardcover
First published June 19, 2018
The instructions they carried were simple: go figure out what happened and whether the United States is vulnerable to the same kind of attack. The team came back with a mixed answer. While the Ukrainians did not have defenses as sophisticated as many American utility com-EXCERPT 2
panies, a quaint oddity in Ukrainian systems ultimately saved them from an even greater disaster. lt turned out that their electric grid, built by the Soviets, was so antiquated that it wasn't entirely dependent on computers.
“They still had the big, old metal switches that ran the power grid back in the pre-computer age,” Ozment explained, as if admiring the simplicity of an original Ford Model A engine. The investigators reported that Ukrainian engineers got into their trucks and went scrambling from one substation to another, looking for switches that they could throw to route around the computers and turn the lights back on.
Score one for a creaking, antiquated system, particularly since it would take months for the Ukrainians to rebuild their damaged computer-based network controls. But Ukraine's resilience was not much comfort to the Americans who read the reports and thought about their own vulnerabilities. Few American systems still had these rusting old switches—they were eliminated long ago. And even if the American utilities had hung on to the old systems, the engineers who knew how they worked had long since retired. (p167)
Texas seemed particularly ripe for meddling. Few of the trolls and bot malters had been there, but they had read about it online and seen it in the movies. It didn't take much of a leap of imagination to form a “Heart of Texas” group that appeared to be based in Houston but was actually operating near Red Square. They promoted a rally called “Stop Islamization of Texas,” as if there were much Islamization to worry about. Then, in a masterful stroke, the Russians created an opposing group, “United Muslims of America,” which scheduled a counter-rally, under the banner of “Save Islamic Knowledge." The idea was to motivate actual Americans—who had joined each of the Facebook groups—to face off against each other and prompt a lot of name-calling and, perhaps, some violence.
It was a testament to how easy it is to mislead some subgroups of American citizens on the web with a few cheap bots and someone imitating a local resident. But no one was more amazed than the young Russians in Saint Petersburg, who, their own emails later showed, could not believe their targets were so gullible.(p202)
"Cyberweapons are entirely different from nuclear arms, and their effects have so far remained relatively modest. But to assume that will continue to be true is to assume we understand the destructive power of the technology we have unleashed and that we can manage it. History suggests that is a risky bet."
"The Internet Research Agency could actually degrade social media’s organizational power through weaponizing it. The ease with which its “news writers” impersonated real Americans—or real Europeans, or anyone else—meant that over time, people would lose trust in the entire platform. For Putin, who looked at social media’s role in fomenting rebellion in the Middle East and organizing opposition to Russia in Ukraine, the notion of calling into question just who was on the other end of a Tweet or Facebook post—of making revolutionaries think twice before reaching for their smartphones to organize—would be a delightful by-product. It gave him two ways to undermine his adversaries for the price of one."