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Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran, and the United States
This award-winning study traces the shifting relations between Israel, Iran, and the U.S. since 1948—including secret alliances and treacherous acts. Vitriolic exchanges between the leaders of Iran and Israel are a disturbingly common feature of the news cycle. But the real roots of their enmity mystify Washington policymakers, leaving no promising pathways to stability. In Treacherous Alliance, U.S. foreign policy expert Trita Parsi untangles to complex and often duplicitous relationship among Israel, Iran, and the United States from 1948 to the present. In the process, he reveals shocking details of unsavory political maneuverings that have undermined Middle Eastern peace and disrupted U.S. foreign policy initiatives in the region. Parsi draws on his unique access to senior American, Iranian, and Israeli decision makers to present behind-the-scenes revelations that will surprise even the most knowledgeable Iran’s prime minister asks Israel to assassinate Khomeini; Israel reaches out to Saddam Hussein after the Gulf War; the United States foils Iran’s plan to withdraw support from Hamas and Hezbollah; and more. Treacherous Alliance not only revises our understanding of the recent past, it also spells out a course for the future.An Arthur Ross Book Award Silver Medal Winner A Choice Magazine Outstanding Academic Title
669 pages, Kindle Edition
First published October 1, 2007
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About the author
Trita Parsi
10 books56 followersTrita Parsi (Persian: تریتا پارسی) is the founder and current president of the National Iranian American Council, and author of Treacherous Alliance and A Single Roll of the Dice.
Born in Iran to a Zoroastrian family, Parsi moved with his family to Sweden at the age of 4 to escape the political repression in Iran. His father was an outspoken academic who was jailed under the reign of the Shah and later under Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic Republic. Parsi earned a Master's Degree in International Relations at Uppsala University and a second Master's Degree in Economics at Stockholm School of Economics. As an adult, Parsi moved to the United States and studied foreign policy at the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies where he received his Ph.D. in International Relations.
Early in his career Parsi worked for the Swedish Permanent Mission to the UN in New York, where he served in the Security Council, handling the affairs of Afghanistan, Iraq, Tajikistan, and Western Sahara, and on the General Assembly's Third Committee, addressing human rights in Iran, Afghanistan, Myanmar and Iraq.
He has served as an adjunct professor of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University SAIS, an adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute and as a Policy Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC.
Fluent in Persian, English, and Swedish, Parsi carries Iranian and Swedish passports, but he is not a citizen of the United States, where he lives as a permanent resident.
In 2002, Parsi closed down the IIC and founded the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), whose stated purpose was "to enable Iranian Americans to condemn the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks" and, later, to provide a "grass-roots group aimed at strengthening their voice." Through the organization, he supports engagement between the US and Iran in belief that it "would enhance our [U.S.] national security by helping to stabilize the Middle East and bolster the moderates in Iran." On the group's formation, he commented, "We realized that our primary thing that separates the Iranian-American community from the Jewish-American community, the Arab-American community, the Armenian-American community is that the Iranian-American community has shunned political participation."
In 2007, Yale University Press published Treacherous Alliance The Secret Dealings of Israel Iran and the United States. Parsi's work is an expansion of his 2006 Ph.D. dissertation written at Johns Hopkins University under the supervision of his Ph.D. adviser Francis Fukuyama. The book "takes a closer look at the complicated triangular relations between Israel, Iran, and the United States that continue to shape the future of the Middle East." The book basically argues that the struggle between Israel and Iran is not ideological but strategic.
In the 2012 book A Single Roll of the Dice Obama's Diplomacy with Iran, Parsi's thesis is that US-Iran relations are in a stalemate caused by institutionalized enmity: "The thirty-year old US-Iran enmity is no longer a phenomenon; it is an institution." He argues that the way forth is through sustained diplomacy that he considers "the only policy that remains largely unexplored and that has a likelihood of achieving results amounting to more than kicking the can down the road."
Treacherous Alliance received the 2010 Grawemeyer Award from the University of Louisville, given for "Ideas Improving World Order." Treacherous Alliance also won the 2008 Arthur Ross Silver Medallion from the Council on Foreign Relations, which described it as a "unique and important book" that "takes a closer look at the complicated triangular relations between Israel, Iran, and the United States that continue to shape the future of the Middle East."
A Single Roll of the Dice: Obama's Diplomacy with Iran was selected by Foreign Affairs as the Best Book of 2012.
Born in Iran to a Zoroastrian family, Parsi moved with his family to Sweden at the age of 4 to escape the political repression in Iran. His father was an outspoken academic who was jailed under the reign of the Shah and later under Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic Republic. Parsi earned a Master's Degree in International Relations at Uppsala University and a second Master's Degree in Economics at Stockholm School of Economics. As an adult, Parsi moved to the United States and studied foreign policy at the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies where he received his Ph.D. in International Relations.
Early in his career Parsi worked for the Swedish Permanent Mission to the UN in New York, where he served in the Security Council, handling the affairs of Afghanistan, Iraq, Tajikistan, and Western Sahara, and on the General Assembly's Third Committee, addressing human rights in Iran, Afghanistan, Myanmar and Iraq.
He has served as an adjunct professor of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University SAIS, an adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute and as a Policy Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC.
Fluent in Persian, English, and Swedish, Parsi carries Iranian and Swedish passports, but he is not a citizen of the United States, where he lives as a permanent resident.
In 2002, Parsi closed down the IIC and founded the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), whose stated purpose was "to enable Iranian Americans to condemn the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks" and, later, to provide a "grass-roots group aimed at strengthening their voice." Through the organization, he supports engagement between the US and Iran in belief that it "would enhance our [U.S.] national security by helping to stabilize the Middle East and bolster the moderates in Iran." On the group's formation, he commented, "We realized that our primary thing that separates the Iranian-American community from the Jewish-American community, the Arab-American community, the Armenian-American community is that the Iranian-American community has shunned political participation."
In 2007, Yale University Press published Treacherous Alliance The Secret Dealings of Israel Iran and the United States. Parsi's work is an expansion of his 2006 Ph.D. dissertation written at Johns Hopkins University under the supervision of his Ph.D. adviser Francis Fukuyama. The book "takes a closer look at the complicated triangular relations between Israel, Iran, and the United States that continue to shape the future of the Middle East." The book basically argues that the struggle between Israel and Iran is not ideological but strategic.
In the 2012 book A Single Roll of the Dice Obama's Diplomacy with Iran, Parsi's thesis is that US-Iran relations are in a stalemate caused by institutionalized enmity: "The thirty-year old US-Iran enmity is no longer a phenomenon; it is an institution." He argues that the way forth is through sustained diplomacy that he considers "the only policy that remains largely unexplored and that has a likelihood of achieving results amounting to more than kicking the can down the road."
Treacherous Alliance received the 2010 Grawemeyer Award from the University of Louisville, given for "Ideas Improving World Order." Treacherous Alliance also won the 2008 Arthur Ross Silver Medallion from the Council on Foreign Relations, which described it as a "unique and important book" that "takes a closer look at the complicated triangular relations between Israel, Iran, and the United States that continue to shape the future of the Middle East."
A Single Roll of the Dice: Obama's Diplomacy with Iran was selected by Foreign Affairs as the Best Book of 2012.
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March 10, 2017
Ignore its rhetoric, my dog won't bite
An interesting book, up to about Ch. 19 at which point it does go off the rails. The range of coverage of the Israeli point of view is excellent and reasonably reflects the diversity of opinion. Parsi was afforded wide access and used it well. The coverage of Iranian internal points of view is less extensive. Particularly disapointing was a lack of coverage of the Basiji, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard which now dominates the economy and internal security services.
Parsi's basic argument is that the actions of Iran and Israel can be understood solely in geophysical terms. Because of its large population (about 68 million), position on the Gulf and industrial capacity Iran's natural role is to dominate the region. I should add, to Iran's credit, a point that Parsi missed in as much as Iranian poetry and literature was historically considered to be high culture in neighbouring countries such as Pakistan and Afganistan. What Parsi doesn't mention, by starting with the Shah, is the 200 years of the Qajar dynasty where Iran was not a natural leader in the region and was actually quite weak. In geopolitical terms Iran's largest city to the south is Shiraz and most of the population is concentrated in the north towards the Caspian sea.
Parsi's characterization of Israeli policy is that of the "Periphery Doctrine". Briefly stated he believes that Israel was friendly with Iran from 1948 to the early 90s because it weakened its neighbouring Arab states. When Iran broke off all contact, Israel forged relationships with countries further on the periphery - India and China and the small . Whereas there is some basis for this approach a better view is that Israel is like a puppy dog with a short memory. Throughout its history the country has held out the possibility of peaceful relations with all of its neighbours. In its bid for a regional hegemony Iran doesn't consider the possibility of advocating openly peaceful relations with everyone as well, merely playing off opposing forces to make itself more relevant.
His analysis of why Iran will not acquire nuclear weapons is also flawed, IMHO. Parsi asserts that if Iran develops nuclear weaponry, so will its neighbours, but mostly by acquisition, which will negate Iran's superiority in conventional forces. I agree with the probable outcome of proliferation but disagree with his conclusion. Historically Iran's military has done rather poorly against neighbouring Iraq and they are ill suited for engaging Afghanistan. If one looks at a map one finds that deploying troops against the GCC is a possibility, but forget about Pakistan. Against Israel - forget it - they'd have to cross borders. Though Iran borders the Gulf the bulk of their population and infrastructure is to the north east of the country. The best use of Iran's army is defending home turf, not for projecting power outside the country,
Iran is a fear based state where opposition to the established leadership gets crushed, as we have seen in this year's "elections". It's rhetorical antipathy towards the Jewish State should be taken seriously as should its efforts to undermine the government of Lebanon through its proxy Hezbollah. As Thomas a Becket ruefully discovered, words matter, especially in an autocratic state such as Iran.
The dog in fact may bite.
Some minor irritations, without which I probably would have rated the book at 4 stars for how clearly it stated it's point of view:
1. Time and again Parsi refers to Tel Aviv as the source of Israeli government positions. He even refers to Israel's "lively and noisy capital" going silent during Saddam Hussein's scud attacks. Trita, bubeleh, the Knesset is in Jerusalem. That's where the decisions are made, not Tel Aviv. Next you'll be telling us that Beijing is running Taiwan. Also 39 scuds landed in Israel, not 34 - the Patriot anti-missile system that the US sold them was completely ineffective.
2. In Chapter 13 which covers the early 1990s its hard to keep track of what year it is as Parsi goes back and forth so much. Some better editing is required.
3. Parsi praises Iran too much for helping negotiate the release of US hostages in Lebanon. That perspective is wrong - Iran was funding and operating the hostage takers and was acting as agents on their behalf, just as Iran controls Hezbollah in Lebanon, supplies and encourages Hamas in Gaza and rebels in North Yemen against Saudi Arabia.
4. Iran's relationship with Syria is not considered at all, but this would be highly relevant.
5. Much is made of a grand offer cobbled together by a Swiss diplomat in 2003. It would have been interesting if the US had pursued it however one of the more obnoxious items was for the US to turn over it's erstwhile allies the MKO to the Iranians. Yes, they were designated as terrorists but the US made deals with all kinds of despicable persons in both Iraq and Afghanistan and to do a treacherous about face would undermine views about American's trustworthiness. Parsi should have done a deeper analysis of the pros and cons of the grand bargain. Only a pared down proposal might have been workable. Tying Iranian assistance in Iraq to the conflict between the Palestinians and the Israels was also a clue that this would fail as an offer.
6. The 1991 Madrid Conference that did not invite Iran did not need yet another pro-Palestinian voice at the table. In and of itself the conference was a failure as all parties used it to promote set positions but it did lead to bilateral talks which were successful. Yes, Iran would have felt more important, but then other non-border states would have needed to be invited as well.
7. Parsi leaves us dangling on Russia. Both the Shah and the Ayatollahs were opposed to Godless Communism - Parsi covers this, but what about the present. Russia and Iran are no longer ideologically at odds and Russia has always sought a friendly warm water port. The Grand Game is still at play.
In spite of these objections I found it an interesting read. One does not have to agree with Parsi's conclusions to appreciate and respect his point of view.
An interesting book, up to about Ch. 19 at which point it does go off the rails. The range of coverage of the Israeli point of view is excellent and reasonably reflects the diversity of opinion. Parsi was afforded wide access and used it well. The coverage of Iranian internal points of view is less extensive. Particularly disapointing was a lack of coverage of the Basiji, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard which now dominates the economy and internal security services.
Parsi's basic argument is that the actions of Iran and Israel can be understood solely in geophysical terms. Because of its large population (about 68 million), position on the Gulf and industrial capacity Iran's natural role is to dominate the region. I should add, to Iran's credit, a point that Parsi missed in as much as Iranian poetry and literature was historically considered to be high culture in neighbouring countries such as Pakistan and Afganistan. What Parsi doesn't mention, by starting with the Shah, is the 200 years of the Qajar dynasty where Iran was not a natural leader in the region and was actually quite weak. In geopolitical terms Iran's largest city to the south is Shiraz and most of the population is concentrated in the north towards the Caspian sea.
Parsi's characterization of Israeli policy is that of the "Periphery Doctrine". Briefly stated he believes that Israel was friendly with Iran from 1948 to the early 90s because it weakened its neighbouring Arab states. When Iran broke off all contact, Israel forged relationships with countries further on the periphery - India and China and the small . Whereas there is some basis for this approach a better view is that Israel is like a puppy dog with a short memory. Throughout its history the country has held out the possibility of peaceful relations with all of its neighbours. In its bid for a regional hegemony Iran doesn't consider the possibility of advocating openly peaceful relations with everyone as well, merely playing off opposing forces to make itself more relevant.
His analysis of why Iran will not acquire nuclear weapons is also flawed, IMHO. Parsi asserts that if Iran develops nuclear weaponry, so will its neighbours, but mostly by acquisition, which will negate Iran's superiority in conventional forces. I agree with the probable outcome of proliferation but disagree with his conclusion. Historically Iran's military has done rather poorly against neighbouring Iraq and they are ill suited for engaging Afghanistan. If one looks at a map one finds that deploying troops against the GCC is a possibility, but forget about Pakistan. Against Israel - forget it - they'd have to cross borders. Though Iran borders the Gulf the bulk of their population and infrastructure is to the north east of the country. The best use of Iran's army is defending home turf, not for projecting power outside the country,
Iran is a fear based state where opposition to the established leadership gets crushed, as we have seen in this year's "elections". It's rhetorical antipathy towards the Jewish State should be taken seriously as should its efforts to undermine the government of Lebanon through its proxy Hezbollah. As Thomas a Becket ruefully discovered, words matter, especially in an autocratic state such as Iran.
The dog in fact may bite.
Some minor irritations, without which I probably would have rated the book at 4 stars for how clearly it stated it's point of view:
1. Time and again Parsi refers to Tel Aviv as the source of Israeli government positions. He even refers to Israel's "lively and noisy capital" going silent during Saddam Hussein's scud attacks. Trita, bubeleh, the Knesset is in Jerusalem. That's where the decisions are made, not Tel Aviv. Next you'll be telling us that Beijing is running Taiwan. Also 39 scuds landed in Israel, not 34 - the Patriot anti-missile system that the US sold them was completely ineffective.
2. In Chapter 13 which covers the early 1990s its hard to keep track of what year it is as Parsi goes back and forth so much. Some better editing is required.
3. Parsi praises Iran too much for helping negotiate the release of US hostages in Lebanon. That perspective is wrong - Iran was funding and operating the hostage takers and was acting as agents on their behalf, just as Iran controls Hezbollah in Lebanon, supplies and encourages Hamas in Gaza and rebels in North Yemen against Saudi Arabia.
4. Iran's relationship with Syria is not considered at all, but this would be highly relevant.
5. Much is made of a grand offer cobbled together by a Swiss diplomat in 2003. It would have been interesting if the US had pursued it however one of the more obnoxious items was for the US to turn over it's erstwhile allies the MKO to the Iranians. Yes, they were designated as terrorists but the US made deals with all kinds of despicable persons in both Iraq and Afghanistan and to do a treacherous about face would undermine views about American's trustworthiness. Parsi should have done a deeper analysis of the pros and cons of the grand bargain. Only a pared down proposal might have been workable. Tying Iranian assistance in Iraq to the conflict between the Palestinians and the Israels was also a clue that this would fail as an offer.
6. The 1991 Madrid Conference that did not invite Iran did not need yet another pro-Palestinian voice at the table. In and of itself the conference was a failure as all parties used it to promote set positions but it did lead to bilateral talks which were successful. Yes, Iran would have felt more important, but then other non-border states would have needed to be invited as well.
7. Parsi leaves us dangling on Russia. Both the Shah and the Ayatollahs were opposed to Godless Communism - Parsi covers this, but what about the present. Russia and Iran are no longer ideologically at odds and Russia has always sought a friendly warm water port. The Grand Game is still at play.
In spite of these objections I found it an interesting read. One does not have to agree with Parsi's conclusions to appreciate and respect his point of view.
July 21, 2011
من الصعب جدًا تلخيص كتابٍ كهذا، أو استعراضه بصورةٍ تعطيه حقه. هي دراسة قيّمة جدًا أعدّها (تريتا بارسي) لنيل شهادة الدكتوراة تحت إشراف المفكر الكبير (فرنسيس فوكوياما)، ويستعرض فيها تحولات العلاقات بين كل من إيران وإسرائيل والولايات المتحدة منذ عهد الشاه وحتى وقتنا الحاضر.
الكتاب ثريّ جدًا بالمعلومات التاريخية والتحليلات السياسية الذكية جدًا، ومن يقرأ الكتاب سيتأكد أن السياسة لا تعترف بشيء غير المصالح، حتى وإن تشدقّت بأيديولوجيات دينية أو غيرها. وربما سيشعر القارئ ببعض القرف من عددٍ من الجهات العربية والإسلامية التي تلهث خلف إسرائيل فقط لتحقيق مصلحتها (كالأكراد في العراق، والمعارضة الإيرانية، والميليشيات المسيحية في لبنان فيما مضى).
من الفوائد الكبيرة التي يحصل عليهاالقارئ خاصة إن لم يكن متبحرًا في السياسة والاستراتيجيات السياسية أنه سيتعلم الكثير عن طريقة تفكير الدول لتحقيق مصالحها ونفوذها، وكيف تحسب خياراتها الاستراتيجية. بتتبع مواقف الحكومات الإيرانية والإسرائيلية خلال السنين سيتبين للقارئ كيف تتصارع هاتان الدولتان للهيمنة والنفوذ في الشرق الأوسط، وفي سبيل ذلك يمكنهما أن يتعاونا (عسكريا ودبلوماسيا واستخباراتيا وتجاريا) أو أن يتراشقا التهم، أو أن يساندا حروبًا إقليمية، الخ.
خلاصة القول أنّ الكتاب هام ومفيد جدًا، وقد قام فيه المؤلف بجهد عظيم في البحث والتحليل، نختلف أو نتفق معه في استنتاجاته. تبقى لديّ ملاحظة واحدة وهي عدم توفيق المؤلف في إثبات مصادر مناسبة أو مقنعة في "بعض" المواضع، إلا أنّ الكتاب بشكل عام يستند إلى مصادر ووثائق ممتازة.
الكتاب ثريّ جدًا بالمعلومات التاريخية والتحليلات السياسية الذكية جدًا، ومن يقرأ الكتاب سيتأكد أن السياسة لا تعترف بشيء غير المصالح، حتى وإن تشدقّت بأيديولوجيات دينية أو غيرها. وربما سيشعر القارئ ببعض القرف من عددٍ من الجهات العربية والإسلامية التي تلهث خلف إسرائيل فقط لتحقيق مصلحتها (كالأكراد في العراق، والمعارضة الإيرانية، والميليشيات المسيحية في لبنان فيما مضى).
من الفوائد الكبيرة التي يحصل عليهاالقارئ خاصة إن لم يكن متبحرًا في السياسة والاستراتيجيات السياسية أنه سيتعلم الكثير عن طريقة تفكير الدول لتحقيق مصالحها ونفوذها، وكيف تحسب خياراتها الاستراتيجية. بتتبع مواقف الحكومات الإيرانية والإسرائيلية خلال السنين سيتبين للقارئ كيف تتصارع هاتان الدولتان للهيمنة والنفوذ في الشرق الأوسط، وفي سبيل ذلك يمكنهما أن يتعاونا (عسكريا ودبلوماسيا واستخباراتيا وتجاريا) أو أن يتراشقا التهم، أو أن يساندا حروبًا إقليمية، الخ.
خلاصة القول أنّ الكتاب هام ومفيد جدًا، وقد قام فيه المؤلف بجهد عظيم في البحث والتحليل، نختلف أو نتفق معه في استنتاجاته. تبقى لديّ ملاحظة واحدة وهي عدم توفيق المؤلف في إثبات مصادر مناسبة أو مقنعة في "بعض" المواضع، إلا أنّ الكتاب بشكل عام يستند إلى مصادر ووثائق ممتازة.
January 16, 2018
Very well written and explanatory book about some of what is going on in the Middle East. I think this book will help others to understand part of what is happening. I would definitely recommend this one to all.
Read
June 20, 2012كتاب مميز كتبه الايراني تريتا بارزي يتناول فيه تاريخ العلاقات بين مثلث أمريكا إسرائيل إيران، والتحولات السياسية ومستقبل العلاقات.
مثل علاقات إيران وإسرائيل
وفيه رفض اسرائيل اغتيال الخميني في زمن الشاه
وتودد اسرائيل لثورة الخميني
وزيارة أحمد كاشاني، النجل الأصغر لآية الله العظمى أبو القاسم كاشاني الذي لعب دوراً رئيسياً في تأميم صناعة النفط الإيرانية بزيارة إسرائيل ـ وعلى الأرجح أنه كان أول إيراني يقوم بذلك بعد الثورة ـ لمناقشة مبيعات الأسلحة والتعاون العسكري ضدّ البرنامج النووي العراقي
وكيف تعمل ايران على ضرب الشعوب العربيه ي حكامها وسياساتهم اية كان اتجاهها
وكيف كان العراق الخطر الاكبر وضروة ازالته
ويتناول بالتفصيل علاقة ايران بحزب الله
ودور اسرائيل في الحرب الايرانيه العراقيه وضرب مفاعل تموز
وبعدها يأتي ليفصل موضوع ايران والقضيه الفلسطينيه
ودور غضب ايران لعزلها في موضوع السلام وكيف ان سياسة ايران ومصالحها وليس حق الفلسطينين
ويتاول ايضا العلاقه التجاريه بين امريكا وايران وخاصة دعمها في افغانستان
واخيرا يتناول احلام وامنبات ايران وامبراطوريتها
كتاب يفضح الكثير مما يحاول اهل السياسه والحكم التعامي والتغاضي عنها ومرور الكرام عليها
مثل علاقات إيران وإسرائيل
وفيه رفض اسرائيل اغتيال الخميني في زمن الشاه
وتودد اسرائيل لثورة الخميني
وزيارة أحمد كاشاني، النجل الأصغر لآية الله العظمى أبو القاسم كاشاني الذي لعب دوراً رئيسياً في تأميم صناعة النفط الإيرانية بزيارة إسرائيل ـ وعلى الأرجح أنه كان أول إيراني يقوم بذلك بعد الثورة ـ لمناقشة مبيعات الأسلحة والتعاون العسكري ضدّ البرنامج النووي العراقي
وكيف تعمل ايران على ضرب الشعوب العربيه ي حكامها وسياساتهم اية كان اتجاهها
وكيف كان العراق الخطر الاكبر وضروة ازالته
ويتناول بالتفصيل علاقة ايران بحزب الله
ودور اسرائيل في الحرب الايرانيه العراقيه وضرب مفاعل تموز
وبعدها يأتي ليفصل موضوع ايران والقضيه الفلسطينيه
ودور غضب ايران لعزلها في موضوع السلام وكيف ان سياسة ايران ومصالحها وليس حق الفلسطينين
ويتاول ايضا العلاقه التجاريه بين امريكا وايران وخاصة دعمها في افغانستان
واخيرا يتناول احلام وامنبات ايران وامبراطوريتها
كتاب يفضح الكثير مما يحاول اهل السياسه والحكم التعامي والتغاضي عنها ومرور الكرام عليها
May 27, 2008
I borrowed this book from the library, but it's so rich in history and detail that I'm going to buy it. Having it in my own library should come in handy to combat the lies and distortions emanating from the Republican Party. The book is unique because much of its material is based on interviews Parsi obtained with figures in the U.S., Israeli, and Iranian governments. It covers the period from when the Shah was in power in Iran to the year 2007, and it shows how even the pro-Western Shah attempted to put some distance between himself and the pro-Israel policies of the U.S. There's also an interesting discussion of Israel's so-called periphery doctrine--the attempt to gain allies in Turkey and Iran to offset hostility from their immediate Arab neighbors. It discusses in detail Iran's overture in 2002 to both the U.S. and Israel for a comprehensive peace in the Middle East, and Iran's cooperation with the U.S. in helping U.S. forces oust the Taliban from power in Afghanistan. Parsi isn't a radical. Much of his perspective probably derives from the realist school, but in light of the Bushies' belief that empire creates its own reality, even the realist perspective is somewhat refreshing. The author makes a strong case that the current far-right stance on Iran, both in Israel and the U.S., is based on preemptive war doctrines and the goal of total hegemony in the Middle East, and he shows how dangerous and misinformed this stance is.
January 24, 2025
- الكتاب عظيم الفائدة وقد بُذل فيه جهد كبير من قِبل الكاتب .
- من الصعب جدا تلخيص مثل هكذا كتاب، فهو عبارة عن بحث شامل لكثير من الأمور وما يدور في أروقة السياسة لثلاث دول مؤثرة في المشهد الإقليمي لمنطقة الشرق الاوسط(امريكا - اسرائيل - وايران )
لكن سأكتفي بما يمكن تلخيصه فيما يخص السياسة الإيرانية فقط وتأتي في ست نقاط رئيسية _وهي مستخرجة من الكتاب_ :
1- كل من اسرائيل وايران بحاجة إلى الآخر ، لطالما كان الأمر كذلك وسيبقى دوما كذلك .
2- إن القومية هزمت الايدلوجية في صناعة السياسة الخارجية الإيرانية.
3- ما من قوة في السياسة الخارجية الإيرانية اكثر غلبة من الاعتبارات الجيوسياسية.
4- عندما تكون المسائل المتعلقة بالأمن والوضع الاستراتيجي لإيران على المحك ، تضع الجمهورية الإسلامية أيدلوجيتها وخطابها جانبا .
5- ، الفرس يريدون الهيمنة ، لطالما كانوا كذلك وسيبقون كذلك وكل ماتطمح اليه ايران هو ان تصبح قوة إقليمية بلا منازع.
6- طموحات ايران لا علاقة لها بالطبيعة الإسلامية لنظام الحكم ، إنما هو سحابة دخان لمشروعها التوسعي الإقليمي.
- تعتبر إيران قوة لايستهان بها ، وهي تملك موقع استراتيجي يجعلها تتفوق على كثير من دول الإقليم ، وهو موقع دائم ليس كدولة احتلال زائل يوما ما كإسرائيل ، لذلك من المهم للعالم الإسلامي السني ان يكون له مشروعه هو الآخر .
- من الصعب جدا تلخيص مثل هكذا كتاب، فهو عبارة عن بحث شامل لكثير من الأمور وما يدور في أروقة السياسة لثلاث دول مؤثرة في المشهد الإقليمي لمنطقة الشرق الاوسط(امريكا - اسرائيل - وايران )
لكن سأكتفي بما يمكن تلخيصه فيما يخص السياسة الإيرانية فقط وتأتي في ست نقاط رئيسية _وهي مستخرجة من الكتاب_ :
1- كل من اسرائيل وايران بحاجة إلى الآخر ، لطالما كان الأمر كذلك وسيبقى دوما كذلك .
2- إن القومية هزمت الايدلوجية في صناعة السياسة الخارجية الإيرانية.
3- ما من قوة في السياسة الخارجية الإيرانية اكثر غلبة من الاعتبارات الجيوسياسية.
4- عندما تكون المسائل المتعلقة بالأمن والوضع الاستراتيجي لإيران على المحك ، تضع الجمهورية الإسلامية أيدلوجيتها وخطابها جانبا .
5- ، الفرس يريدون الهيمنة ، لطالما كانوا كذلك وسيبقون كذلك وكل ماتطمح اليه ايران هو ان تصبح قوة إقليمية بلا منازع.
6- طموحات ايران لا علاقة لها بالطبيعة الإسلامية لنظام الحكم ، إنما هو سحابة دخان لمشروعها التوسعي الإقليمي.
- تعتبر إيران قوة لايستهان بها ، وهي تملك موقع استراتيجي يجعلها تتفوق على كثير من دول الإقليم ، وهو موقع دائم ليس كدولة احتلال زائل يوما ما كإسرائيل ، لذلك من المهم للعالم الإسلامي السني ان يكون له مشروعه هو الآخر .
October 14, 2008
This book is sometimes dissatisfying in that it focuses very narrowly on the relationship between Iran, Israel and the United States, and thus certain more complex subjects are lacking in the broader context needed to understand them. However, it is enlightening nonetheless, clearly making the point that despite our governments' focus on Iran's anti-semitic rhetoric, other forces (mainly geopolitical) are responsible for our own belligerent behavior. In the past, all of the parties have put rhetoric in its proper place, when our own desires to maximize our power called for it.
March 29, 2015
الكتاب عبارة عن بحث علمي قيم ومفيد ويستحق القراءة. الكتاب يتحدث عن العلاقات التاريخية الوطيدة بين ثلاثة دول: إيران وإسرائيل وأمريكا، هذه الدول بينها صداقة عميقة ومصالح مشتركة يغطي عليها خطاب إعلامي مغاير تماماً للحقيقة. الكاتب قد لا يصرح بآرائه الشخصية ومواقفه ولكن يمكن للقارىء أن يستشف ذلك من خلال الكلمات والأوصاف التي يستخدمها.
أورد الكاتب أن حركة حماس وقفت مع صدام حسين في الحرب العراقية الإيرانية، وهذه المعلومة خاطئة حيث أن حماس تأسست قبل عام من انتهاء هذه الحرب وهذا الموقف مخالف لقيمها وثوابتها وجميع مواقفها، إلا أن الكتاب بشكل عام يظل قيم.
March 11, 2024
What Parsi trying to say is: in politics There are no permanent enemies, and no permanent friends, only permanent interests.
He’s trying to legitimate the detente between Iran and Israel over time. Which is ethically and morally wrong based on Islamic fundamentals, this leads us to understand Hypocrisy and lying in politics moreover the governments never rely solely on religion and ethics it relies on interests only.
He’s trying to legitimate the detente between Iran and Israel over time. Which is ethically and morally wrong based on Islamic fundamentals, this leads us to understand Hypocrisy and lying in politics moreover the governments never rely solely on religion and ethics it relies on interests only.
August 6, 2011
Very good read. So informative, full with evidence and fairly unbiased.
Trita Parsi introduces the argument that Iran has a rational strategy that is/was consistent throughout the years of Shah, the revolution, and the current regime that it aspired domination and hegemony in the Middle East. That, in essence, collides with the very same aspiration of Israel, which fears the acquired, but before that the would-be, weaponization of any country - in the region - that contests Israel over the hegemony in the Middle East.
Whether the weaponization is militarily or conventional, Israel has to outgrow its immediate and far neighboring states militarily to secure itself and its interests in the region. This tells us that the whole issue between Israel and Iran is rather strategic, than ideological - and that's Parsi's argument.
The book is rich with references and numerous interviews conducted with a number of high rank Israeli, American and Iranian officials.
Trita Parsi introduces the argument that Iran has a rational strategy that is/was consistent throughout the years of Shah, the revolution, and the current regime that it aspired domination and hegemony in the Middle East. That, in essence, collides with the very same aspiration of Israel, which fears the acquired, but before that the would-be, weaponization of any country - in the region - that contests Israel over the hegemony in the Middle East.
Whether the weaponization is militarily or conventional, Israel has to outgrow its immediate and far neighboring states militarily to secure itself and its interests in the region. This tells us that the whole issue between Israel and Iran is rather strategic, than ideological - and that's Parsi's argument.
The book is rich with references and numerous interviews conducted with a number of high rank Israeli, American and Iranian officials.
August 28, 2013
كتاب مهم ومفيد سيجعلك تفهم طبيعة التطلعات الإيرانية والإسرائيلية في المنطقة. استنادا إلى حوادث تاريخية ومفاوضات كثيرة تُظهر تطلعات الطرفين وآمالهم وصراعاتهم واتفاقاتهم.
قرأت الكتاب بناء على نصيحة الدكتور عبدالله النفيسي، المحلل السياسي الكويتي المعروف، ولم أندم على ذلك. هي دراسة خطيرة تنبئُنا بصعوبة قيادة الشرق الأوسط مستقبلا إن حقق أحد الطرفين ما يأمل
مايظهر من خلال هذا الكتاب أن الحكومة الإيرانية -مثل كل الحكومات العربية- حكومة باراغماتية تلبس رداء الدين لتحقيق غايات سياسية، لذا فهي لا تمتنع عن التعاون حتى مع الشيطان إذا كان يحقق لها غاياتها، وتكتفي في المقابل بالشجب والاستنكار على هذا الشيطان حين يصدر منه فعل يُؤجج الشعوب.
قرأت الكتاب بناء على نصيحة الدكتور عبدالله النفيسي، المحلل السياسي الكويتي المعروف، ولم أندم على ذلك. هي دراسة خطيرة تنبئُنا بصعوبة قيادة الشرق الأوسط مستقبلا إن حقق أحد الطرفين ما يأمل
مايظهر من خلال هذا الكتاب أن الحكومة الإيرانية -مثل كل الحكومات العربية- حكومة باراغماتية تلبس رداء الدين لتحقيق غايات سياسية، لذا فهي لا تمتنع عن التعاون حتى مع الشيطان إذا كان يحقق لها غاياتها، وتكتفي في المقابل بالشجب والاستنكار على هذا الشيطان حين يصدر منه فعل يُؤجج الشعوب.
March 25, 2016
كتاب ممتع جدا وإن كان مرهق لكبر حجمه وغزارة معلوماته .
اطروحة دكتوارة من ايراني الاصل امريكي الجنسية تحت إشراف فوكوياما , فجاء الكتاب فى غاية الجمال
ينبغي لكل من يريد أن يفهم السياسة أن يقرأ هذا الكتاب فلا يوجد كتاب مثله بالعربية او بالانجليزية !!
سافر المؤلف الى طهران وتل ابيب من اجل الالتقاء ببعض صانعي القرار فى ايران والكيان الصهيونى وذكر أرائهم وكان محايدا جدا فلا تكاد تعرف ميوله .واستعرض علاقة ايران بامريكا واسرائيل منذ الشاة الى عام 2007 ووثق كل معلوماته ونسبها الى مصادرها حيث أن توثيق المعلومات استحوذ على قرابة 30% من حجم الكتاب
اطروحة دكتوارة من ايراني الاصل امريكي الجنسية تحت إشراف فوكوياما , فجاء الكتاب فى غاية الجمال
ينبغي لكل من يريد أن يفهم السياسة أن يقرأ هذا الكتاب فلا يوجد كتاب مثله بالعربية او بالانجليزية !!
سافر المؤلف الى طهران وتل ابيب من اجل الالتقاء ببعض صانعي القرار فى ايران والكيان الصهيونى وذكر أرائهم وكان محايدا جدا فلا تكاد تعرف ميوله .واستعرض علاقة ايران بامريكا واسرائيل منذ الشاة الى عام 2007 ووثق كل معلوماته ونسبها الى مصادرها حيث أن توثيق المعلومات استحوذ على قرابة 30% من حجم الكتاب
May 9, 2025
سيل من المعلومات وفيضان من التحليلات
كتب دسم جداَ و متخم بالمعلومات الهامة
بعد الوصول إلى نهاية الكتاب
تشعر أن ضوء سطع أظهر لك تفاصيل لم تكن ترها من قبل
تفاصيل وخبايا و أسرار بين الدول
تفسير مواقف وتصرفات دولية وحروب بين الدول فى ظل التصرفات السياسية
كتاب مهم جداَ يزيل بعض من الضباب السياسي بين الدول
كتب دسم جداَ و متخم بالمعلومات الهامة
بعد الوصول إلى نهاية الكتاب
تشعر أن ضوء سطع أظهر لك تفاصيل لم تكن ترها من قبل
تفاصيل وخبايا و أسرار بين الدول
تفسير مواقف وتصرفات دولية وحروب بين الدول فى ظل التصرفات السياسية
كتاب مهم جداَ يزيل بعض من الضباب السياسي بين الدول
Currently reading
January 25, 2009حقائق مهمة من أفواههم يجب معرفتها للتاريخ و لتوعية أبنائنا
August 28, 2014
A must read book not only for those interested in Israeli Iranian relations but also any one who is interested in ME politics and realism in international relations.
July 12, 2021
A surprising perspective on the three-way relationship between America, Iran, and Israel. (Full disclosure: the author is my boss.)
The conventional narrative is that Iran was a good Western ally and a friend of Israel until it suddenly flipped during the Islamic revolution. In reality, the revolution only accelerated trends that were already happening. The last Shah, flush with oil money in the 1970s, wanted to turn Iran into an independent power in the Middle East. In addition to buying absurd amounts of American military hardware, he tried to appeal to the Arab street by denouncing Israel, and even conducted proxy warfare in places like Iraqi Kurdistan.
After becoming a pariah state through the 1979 revolution, those connections were pretty much the only thing Iran had left. Iranian guns flowed to militant groups, and the Iranian leadership tried to position themselves as the most pro-Palestinian nation. But even as it stepped up its anti-Israel rhetoric to gain Arab sympathy, the Islamic Republic maintained secret relations with Israel for the first decade of its existence, as both countries feared Iraqi and Soviet power.
The Iranian-Israeli enmity finally got serious in the 1990s, in large part due to the Arab-Israeli peace process. Demonizing Iran served two purposes for Israel's left-wing parties; on one hand, it got the Israeli public to think of someone other than the Palestinians as a threat, and on the other hand, it helped build bridges with conservative Arab states that feared the Iranian revolution. Meanwhile, Iran saw it could gain a perverse form of leverage over the peace process — which the international community seemed to be really invested in — by funding the most hardline Palestinian militants.
At the time, the Iranian government was dominated by reformists who wanted to smooth things over with Western powers. But the sudden escalation in Iranian-Israeli tensions made it politically impossible for Washington to take that opportunity, in no small part because of Israeli and pro-Israel lobbying.
The United States would miss several more opportunities with Iran after 9/11. Both countries hated the Taliban, so Iranian diplomats and special forces cooperated with the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan. The Bush administration rewarded their efforts by branding Iran part of the "Axis of Evil." Then, fearing an Iraq-style invasion, Iran offered the United States a grand bargain; Tehran would drop its nuclear research and support for Palestinian militants if Washington signaled that it did not want regime change. Again, the Bush administration rejected the offer, believing it to be a sign of Iranian weakness.
The book came out in the late 2000s, so it misses a lot of later developments, from Iran's 2009 Green Movement to the 2015 nuclear deal. (The author later wrote a follow-up, Losing an Enemy, which I have read parts of.) Still, all of these events only make sense in light of the earlier history. And the ghosts of that history are still with us today.
The conventional narrative is that Iran was a good Western ally and a friend of Israel until it suddenly flipped during the Islamic revolution. In reality, the revolution only accelerated trends that were already happening. The last Shah, flush with oil money in the 1970s, wanted to turn Iran into an independent power in the Middle East. In addition to buying absurd amounts of American military hardware, he tried to appeal to the Arab street by denouncing Israel, and even conducted proxy warfare in places like Iraqi Kurdistan.
After becoming a pariah state through the 1979 revolution, those connections were pretty much the only thing Iran had left. Iranian guns flowed to militant groups, and the Iranian leadership tried to position themselves as the most pro-Palestinian nation. But even as it stepped up its anti-Israel rhetoric to gain Arab sympathy, the Islamic Republic maintained secret relations with Israel for the first decade of its existence, as both countries feared Iraqi and Soviet power.
The Iranian-Israeli enmity finally got serious in the 1990s, in large part due to the Arab-Israeli peace process. Demonizing Iran served two purposes for Israel's left-wing parties; on one hand, it got the Israeli public to think of someone other than the Palestinians as a threat, and on the other hand, it helped build bridges with conservative Arab states that feared the Iranian revolution. Meanwhile, Iran saw it could gain a perverse form of leverage over the peace process — which the international community seemed to be really invested in — by funding the most hardline Palestinian militants.
At the time, the Iranian government was dominated by reformists who wanted to smooth things over with Western powers. But the sudden escalation in Iranian-Israeli tensions made it politically impossible for Washington to take that opportunity, in no small part because of Israeli and pro-Israel lobbying.
The United States would miss several more opportunities with Iran after 9/11. Both countries hated the Taliban, so Iranian diplomats and special forces cooperated with the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan. The Bush administration rewarded their efforts by branding Iran part of the "Axis of Evil." Then, fearing an Iraq-style invasion, Iran offered the United States a grand bargain; Tehran would drop its nuclear research and support for Palestinian militants if Washington signaled that it did not want regime change. Again, the Bush administration rejected the offer, believing it to be a sign of Iranian weakness.
The book came out in the late 2000s, so it misses a lot of later developments, from Iran's 2009 Green Movement to the 2015 nuclear deal. (The author later wrote a follow-up, Losing an Enemy, which I have read parts of.) Still, all of these events only make sense in light of the earlier history. And the ghosts of that history are still with us today.
October 16, 2023
Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran, and the United States by Trita Parsi is a groundbreaking work that overturns many conventional understandings of geopolitics in the Middle East. The book dismantles the prevailing narratives about the intractable enmity among these nations, revealing a far more nuanced and dynamic landscape shaped by realpolitik.
The author delivers a superb critique of U.S. foreign policy, challenging the notion that the country's actions have always been well-calculated or effective. The book lays bare the missed opportunities and flawed strategies that have characterized decades of diplomacy, offering invaluable insights into how these blunders have shaped the current state of affairs.
Parsi's writing is not just enlightening but also very entertaining. His flair for storytelling transforms what could have been a dry analysis into a riveting narrative, filled with intriguing plot twists and unexpected alliances. The accessibility of his writing ensures that both experts and lay readers can appreciate the complexities of these international relationships.
One of the book's greatest strengths is its objective tone, coupled with meticulous research, that encourages readers to question their own biases and assumptions. It serves as an eye-opener, particularly for those who are easily swayed by prevailing conspiracy theories or simplified explanations of Middle Eastern politics.
For anyone eager to dig deeper and gain a sophisticated understanding of the volatile relationships among Israel, Iran, and the United States, this book is an indispensable read. It offers a fresh lens through which to view the enduring conflicts and strategic alliances that shape this tumultuous region, making it a must-read for anyone interested in international relations.
The author delivers a superb critique of U.S. foreign policy, challenging the notion that the country's actions have always been well-calculated or effective. The book lays bare the missed opportunities and flawed strategies that have characterized decades of diplomacy, offering invaluable insights into how these blunders have shaped the current state of affairs.
Parsi's writing is not just enlightening but also very entertaining. His flair for storytelling transforms what could have been a dry analysis into a riveting narrative, filled with intriguing plot twists and unexpected alliances. The accessibility of his writing ensures that both experts and lay readers can appreciate the complexities of these international relationships.
One of the book's greatest strengths is its objective tone, coupled with meticulous research, that encourages readers to question their own biases and assumptions. It serves as an eye-opener, particularly for those who are easily swayed by prevailing conspiracy theories or simplified explanations of Middle Eastern politics.
For anyone eager to dig deeper and gain a sophisticated understanding of the volatile relationships among Israel, Iran, and the United States, this book is an indispensable read. It offers a fresh lens through which to view the enduring conflicts and strategic alliances that shape this tumultuous region, making it a must-read for anyone interested in international relations.
December 2, 2025
7.3/10
In rereading my notes for this book, I found myself frustrated with both Trita’s characterizations of Iraq, and even Israel, as well as frustrated with an Iranian posture I could only describe as “virtue-signaling.” However, still the book is beneficial if Trita Parsi can influence the US in a realist/anti-militarist direction in the Middle East. Despite repeating mainstream narratives of Iraq, and not adequately portraying how hellbent Israeli society is on NEVER making peace with anyone who is not Jewish, the book foresees much of the events that come after its publishing. More importantly, it pushes for America to treat Iran, and really the whole region, as equals, instead of as evil terrorists.
Iran, whether Shah or Khamenei, acts under its own interests, or at least how it perceives them. This takes precedence over ideology, which may be shocking for those who think of the country Islamic to the core. This is a good perception to push, as opposed to whatever Israelis and 70IQ Baby Boomers think.
However, beyond the average stupid fucking AmeriKans’ opinion of Iran, you can’t really call it a consistently anti-imperialist state, even now. The way it has treated Palestinian groups, Iraq, Afghanistan, even Hezbollah, is shady, duplicitous and even collaborative with imperialism. If the US and Israel weren’t psychos, they would’ve thrown these resistance groups to the Zionist wolves. Honestly, reading this book has made the recent events of the Israel-Hezbollah war pretty obvious in retrospect. Iran acts, under all the media narratives and rhetoric, pretty tame. It certainly is nowhere near as dynamic and truly committed to human liberation as Yemen under Ansar Allah, or even Iraq under the Baath and Saddam.
In rereading my notes for this book, I found myself frustrated with both Trita’s characterizations of Iraq, and even Israel, as well as frustrated with an Iranian posture I could only describe as “virtue-signaling.” However, still the book is beneficial if Trita Parsi can influence the US in a realist/anti-militarist direction in the Middle East. Despite repeating mainstream narratives of Iraq, and not adequately portraying how hellbent Israeli society is on NEVER making peace with anyone who is not Jewish, the book foresees much of the events that come after its publishing. More importantly, it pushes for America to treat Iran, and really the whole region, as equals, instead of as evil terrorists.
Iran, whether Shah or Khamenei, acts under its own interests, or at least how it perceives them. This takes precedence over ideology, which may be shocking for those who think of the country Islamic to the core. This is a good perception to push, as opposed to whatever Israelis and 70IQ Baby Boomers think.
However, beyond the average stupid fucking AmeriKans’ opinion of Iran, you can’t really call it a consistently anti-imperialist state, even now. The way it has treated Palestinian groups, Iraq, Afghanistan, even Hezbollah, is shady, duplicitous and even collaborative with imperialism. If the US and Israel weren’t psychos, they would’ve thrown these resistance groups to the Zionist wolves. Honestly, reading this book has made the recent events of the Israel-Hezbollah war pretty obvious in retrospect. Iran acts, under all the media narratives and rhetoric, pretty tame. It certainly is nowhere near as dynamic and truly committed to human liberation as Yemen under Ansar Allah, or even Iraq under the Baath and Saddam.
December 19, 2022
I've listened to Trita on several podcasts. He's always very knowledgeable about current events and seems to have his finger on the pulse far more than most journalists (and of course the talking heads). So when this book came as a recommendation over and over again on a topic of immense interest, I decided to pick it up. At times it's hard to recall with every major geopolitical event that transpires to understand who is mad at who and why, who has an alliance at that given time, and who is tossed by the wayside because their help is no longer needed to justify a certain means. Unfortunately with geopolitics, everything is almost always transactional. What have you done for me lately that I should support you right now? Have you atoned for your sins of the past and are you really ready to cooperate? It's really quite awful when you think about it because this is playing with the lives of so many average citizens of these countries just trying to go about their daily lives, while their overlords plot destruction. Mending fences between the US and Iran seem all but lost with the breakdown of the JCPOA and Iran moving into the arms of Russia, something the US and Israel tried to prevent during most of the existence of the Soviet Union. This book remains relevant 15 years later and will continue to be an eye opening revelation for all readers for many years to come. Definitely recommend for anyone interested in this topic and doesn't believe history began last week.
December 22, 2023
A very instructive book. Quite often, one is lost between official governments' positions and actions taken. The book fills many gaps in this respect.
The analysis of the relationship between Iran, Israel and the United States begins from the creation of Israel and ends in 2006. Although most of the analysis still stands, there were a lot of developments in the region : The civil wars in Syria and Yemen, the rise and fall of ISIS, the new normalisation of relationships between Israel and many arab countries, and lastly the war of Israel on Gaza in 2023.
I wish if the author makes an update of the book to factor these events.
The analysis of the relationship between Iran, Israel and the United States begins from the creation of Israel and ends in 2006. Although most of the analysis still stands, there were a lot of developments in the region : The civil wars in Syria and Yemen, the rise and fall of ISIS, the new normalisation of relationships between Israel and many arab countries, and lastly the war of Israel on Gaza in 2023.
I wish if the author makes an update of the book to factor these events.
May 11, 2019
Thought provoking book about the balance of power in the Middle East and the evolving relationship between Israel and Iran, with the United States as a pawn for the Israeli people. The need for an Israeli enemy is profound and provides thought provoking ideas about how history pas and present is written and shaped for the benefit of certain country’s goals
December 13, 2025
This was a book I was originally supposed to read for school and never got around to it . I’m glad I’ve made the time to read it later. It was really in depth and I wouldn’t recommend it unless you have basic background on the issue. But it was really interesting and it is a topic I’ve always wanted to learn more about .
June 26, 2019
The book was an in depth and comprehensive look into the role the Israel-Iran power struggle/balance has played out into American foreign policy (goes up to 2005/6). Really great book that I would highly recommend to anyone interested in learning more about the Middle East.
November 27, 2018
Just loved it. Well written by Trita Parsi.
August 27, 2019
An insightful perspective
An interesting overview of the range of motives underpinning Israeli, American and Iranian interests.
Feels like it concludes about a decade too early.
An interesting overview of the range of motives underpinning Israeli, American and Iranian interests.
Feels like it concludes about a decade too early.
June 21, 2025
I understand the issue a lot better now
April 26, 2015
بناء على طلب الربع السياسيين، كتبنا اليوم بعض الاقتباسات من كتاب (حلف المصالح المشتركة.. التعاملات السرية بين اسرائيل و ايران و الولايات المتحدة للكاتب تريتا بارزي) . وبما اننا عشنا و نحن في هوس "نظرية المؤامرة" فالكتاب يحمل عنوانا لافتا .. هذا ليس عنوانا لمقال لأحد المهووسين بنظرية المؤامرة من العرب، و هو بالتأكيد ليس بحثا أو تقريرا لمن يحب أن يسميهم البعض "الوهابيين" أو أن يتّهمهم بذلك، لمجرد عرضه للعلاقة بين إسرائيل و إيران و أمريكا و للمصالح المتبادلة بينهم و للعلاقات الخفيّة. و تأتي أهمية هذا الكتاب من خلال كم المعلومات الدقيقة و التي يكشف عن بعضها للمرة الأولى، إضافة إلى كشف الكاتب لطبيعة العلاقات و الاتصالات التي تجري بين هذه البلدان (إسرائيل- إيران – أمريكا) خلف الكواليس شارحا الآليات و طرق الاتصال و التواصل فيما بينهم في سبيل تحقيق المصلحة المشتركة التي لا تعكسها الشعارات و الخطابات و السجالات الإعلامية الشعبوية و الموجّهة. يستند الكتاب إلى أكثر من 130 مقابلة مع مسؤولين رسميين إسرائيليين، إيرانيين و أمريكيين رفيعي المستوى و من أصحاب صنّاع القرار في بلدانهم. إضافة إلى العديد من الوثاق و التحليلات و المعلومات المعتبرة و الخاصة. و يعالج "تريتا بارسي" في هذا الكتاب العلاقة الثلاثية بين كل من إسرائيل، إيران و أمريكا لينفذ من خلالها إلى شرح الآلية التي تتواصل من خلالها حكومات الدول الثلاث و تصل من خلال الصفقات السريّة و التعاملات غير العلنية إلى تحقيق مصالحها على الرغم من الخطاب الإعلامي الاستهلاكي للعداء الظاهر فيما بينها. وفقا لبارسي فانّ إدراك طبيعة العلاقة بين هذه المحاور الثلاث يستلزم فهما صحيحا لما يحمله النزاع الكلامي الشفوي الإعلامي، و قد نجح الكاتب من خلال الكتاب في تفسير هذا النزاع الكلامي ضمن إطار اللعبة السياسية التي تتّبعها هذه الأطراف الثلاث، و يعرض بارسي في تفسير العلاقة الثلاثية لوجهتي نظر متداخلتين في فحصه للموقف بينهم: يعتقد بارسي أنّ العلاقة بين المثلث الإسرائيلي- الإيراني – الأمريكي تقوم على المصالح و التنافس الإقليمي و الجيو-استراتيجي و ليس على الأيديولوجيا و الخطابات و الشعارات التعبوية الحماسية…الخ. و في إطار المشهد الثلاثي لهذه الدول، تعتمد إسرائيل في نظرتها إلى إيران على "عقيدة الطرف" الذي يكون بعيدا عن المحور، فيما تعتمد إيران على المحافظة على قوّة الاعتماد على "العصر السابق" أو التاريخ حين كانت الهيمنة "الطبيعية" لإيران تمتد لتطال الجيران القريبين منه
April 5, 2013
الكتاب ضرورى للمهتمين بإيران عامة والعلاقات الثلاثيةبين (إيران-الكيان الصهيونى-امريكا)خاصة ،ذكر الكاتب انه التقى عشرات المسؤلين والمحللين السياسيين من الدول الثلاث ، يحكى عن العلاقات بداية من قيام الكيان الصهيونى وكيف كانت العلاقات قوية خلال فترة الشاة بالرغم من عدم وجود علاقات رسمية معترف بها خلال فترة الخمسينات والستينات..خلال حرب 73 اعلن الشاة وقوفه على الحياد فرفض مثلا منع النفط عن اسرائيل ،وبالرغم من تقديم دعم مادى للجبهتين المصرية والسورية ! ، وبعد الحرب كان من الذين يقفون وراء نجاح عملية السلام بين مصر واسرائيل ،مع سقوط نظام الشاه وعودة الحمينى ليحكم، كان فى طليعة المستقبلين رئيس المخابرات والقائم بالاعمال الاسرائيلية فى ايران..ثم بعدها تم قطع العلاقات مع اسرائيل..لكن مع اندلاع الحرب الحرب الايرانية العراقية،عاد نظام الملالى للتعاون مع اسرائيل واوفد الخمينى احد اقاربه لاسرائيل لتنفيذ صفقةسلاح،ويذكر كثير المؤلف على لسان العديد من الاسرائيلين انه النظام الايرانى لم يكن يقدم شىء لفلسطين سوى الخطابات الرنانة واكد عليه الكاتب بالادلة..حاول النظام الايرانى ان يكون شريكا فى عملية السلام "مدريد" قوبل الطلب بالرفض..فكان رد الفعل عمل مؤتمر بإيران للرافضين لعملية السلام..واخذت تدعم حركات المقاومة وبالخصوص حزب الله ،الذى كان يستخدمه خلال الاحتلال الاسرائيلى لتنفيذ اهدافه فى لبنان،والعلاقات الايرانية الصهيونية فى تاريخهاو الخلاف الايرانى الصهيونى لم يكن يوما خلاف حول الاعتراف بالكيان الصهيونى او عدمه،او صراع ايدولوجى (إسلامى يهودى) ، فقط كان صراع جيوسياسي..صراع على مناطق النفوذ-المنطقة العربية-..من أجل الزعامة على المنطقة ...أما التوافق فكان فى أوقات العداء او الحرب مع مناطق النفوذ نفسها....أما مع امريكا فكان ثمرات التعاون أكبر من شرار الخلاف..فقد ساندت ايران امريكا فى ثلاث حروب منهم اثنين ضد العراق وافغانستان...ومزال فرص التعاون موجودة على الرغم من الخلاف الحادث الآن...وقد اقترح المؤلف هو احتواء ايران بدلا من الصدام ...لأن الصدام مضر على مصالح الامريكية والصهيونية ..لكن الامر يحتاج لتفهم مطالب ايران فى تحقيق الزعامة فى المنطقة !
July 7, 2009
Understanding the Iran-Israel-U.S. triad
This is an exceptional look inside a diplomatic house of mirrors: the ongoing evolution of relationships among Iran, Israel and the U.S., and where their motives, rhetoric, realpolitik and military power converge. Trita Parsi’s sophisticated analysis of this complex, high-stakes, long-standing triad presents many surprises, perhaps even to those who think they know the inner workings of the Middle East and U.S. diplomacy. Parsi offers an advanced understanding of complicated modern diplomacy and insights about the future. His real expertise emerges in both history and analysis, though it is hard to know if his role as president of the National Iranian American Council may be a factor in his opinions. getAbstract advocates his book to anyone who wants to comprehend the doctrines and strategies behind Iran’s relations with the U.S. and Israel.
This is an exceptional look inside a diplomatic house of mirrors: the ongoing evolution of relationships among Iran, Israel and the U.S., and where their motives, rhetoric, realpolitik and military power converge. Trita Parsi’s sophisticated analysis of this complex, high-stakes, long-standing triad presents many surprises, perhaps even to those who think they know the inner workings of the Middle East and U.S. diplomacy. Parsi offers an advanced understanding of complicated modern diplomacy and insights about the future. His real expertise emerges in both history and analysis, though it is hard to know if his role as president of the National Iranian American Council may be a factor in his opinions. getAbstract advocates his book to anyone who wants to comprehend the doctrines and strategies behind Iran’s relations with the U.S. and Israel.
January 4, 2010
i love this guy but this book gets really confusing. not his fault though-the conspiracies and alliances between everyone involved are beyond your imagination and nothing you ever hear of. you will need to take notes as you read-maybe even a chart-unless you are super smart, or just smarter than me:) really good stuff in light of us/iran relations...really really really good. and if you didn't know that everything in m.e. politics revolves around israel/palestine, whether because of true concern or used as a pawn, this will confirm it for you. i.e.: the enemy of my enemy is my friend (i think we can all relate:))
oh yeah, and one other complaint...why did you leave russia out of the title?
oh yeah, and one other complaint...why did you leave russia out of the title?
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