A short history of the reintroduction of the military in Brazilian politics, from the end of the dictatorship to today. Mixing this factual history with the deeply personal experiences of some of those who saw their family killed as 'collateral damage', the book is almost like a literary painting of the current state of Brazilian political affairs.
I read the book in Portuguese, which means my observations might be a bit disjointed.
Brazil’s presence in Haiti, leading the UN peacekeeping force, for about a decade from 2003, was the testing bed for deploying the military for similar ‘peace keeping’ missions within Brazil’s borders.
The book primarily details how bad an idea it is to deploy the military within a country’s own borders, supposedly to fight crime. The army is not trained to resolve conflict, they are trained to eliminate threat. Add to that, that excesses are not dealt with in civil courts, and that Brazil has historically leaned towards authoritarian rule and suffered decades of military dictatorship, which too many still fondly think back on, it’s perhaps a surprise that there have been not many more excesses as a consequence of the 'pacification' projects in Brazil’s favelas.
It’s easy to discuss this recent history in abstract fashion, but an intellectual discussion obfuscates the deeply personal tragedies of the murders, accidental, collateral, or not, perpetuated by the military forces on a population that might be caught in a crossfire, or is intentionally targeted without justification.
This is not to say these interventions were a complete failure, particularly initially.
But as, over time, caution was let go of, military action became more brazen, efficiency lagged, and increased conflict led to more unnecessary violence and death.
These interventions, 'pacification', in Brazil's favelas, were triggered by preparations for the arrival of both the World Cup Soccer and the Olympics. In part seeking meaning, finding it in pacification within, and outside of, Brazil's borders, top brass whetted their appetite for increased political influence, augmented by widespread misogyny, put in overdrive with the arrival, and eventual removal, of Dilma Rousseff as president of Brazil.
Where Rousseff tried to limit military influence in politics, her successor Temer, who agreed to move judicial cases against military action to military, not civil, court, and Bolsonaro, himself formerly of the military, welcomed more military presence.
It's perhaps too early to tell, particularly as next year Brazil will undergo another round of national elections, but a picture emerges where it appears that the top layers of Brazil's military machine seem reasonably happy with their current levels of influence.
They're not too keen on Bolsonaro, they're not too keen to take more of a center stage, while also pushing for reinstating more conservative and 'Brazilian' values, mirroring the kinds of policies pushed by, say, right-wing European politicians.
With their increased influence and control, however, it will be very difficult to limit the political influence of the Brazilian military, moving forward