The general reader picking up a copy of the March 2022 book 'The Idea of Australia: A search for the soul of the nation' can be in no doubt about what to expect: the cover and six pages of the front matter are festooned with effervescent endorsements from a parade of notables from many of Australia's most vigorous cultural institutions.
The ABC's notoriously politicised former current affairs frontman Kerry O'Brien, corporate apostate, full-time hijab adopter, Australia Council grant recipient, and Aussie accent hater Yassmin Abdel-Magied, anti-Liberal academic and palace baiter Professor Jenny Hocking, former activist journalist, biographer, and academic Associate Professor Christine Wallace, perennial decrier of mainstream economics journalist Peter Mares, and many, many others - all are united in praise for this 'triumph of art, politics, literature, history and the deepest scholarship' (Hocking).
A reader anticipating these delights very likely and regrettably will be disappointed. 'Art, history, literature, scholarship' appear only occasionally, and then thinly, in the book's general complaints about the materialist preoccupations of modern Australians, their apparent disregard for the nation’s allegedly brutal history, and their antipathy to proposals for greater government control of the nation’s resources and development.
This is a hefty 400 pages plus book, with a title foregrounding the ideas and soul of a modern nation. A reader can expect that reasonably detailed analysis and discussion of the country's history, foundational philosophies, and spiritual expressions will feature prominently. Relevant art and literature would be cited substantially. What drove the political and cultural development of modern Australia, where is it headed, and what should change to motivate and expedite a beneficent future?
The reader of 'The Idea of Australia: a search for the soul of the nation' will look in vain for significant analysis and discussion of these questions.
No analysis, for example, is provided of the iconic Australian paintings by a major artist such as Sidney Nolan (except to note parenthetically that Rupert Murdoch bought one); only a few passing references occur to left wing historian Manning Clark's voluminous, and, one would think, helpfully negative, accounts of Australian history.
No reference is made to historian Geoffrey Blainey's influential ideas on the impact of the 'tyranny of distance' on the development of modern Australia (he appears once as a 'feisty conservative' whose ideas informed former Prime Minister John Howard's views on history, and once again disparagingly in relation to his view that the High Court's 1992 recognition of native land rights may deny the legitimacy of Australia's settlement).
One quote suffices from Nobel Prize winning and distinctively Australian novelist, playwright, and polemicist Patrick White (Australia as 'hateful', but necessary to him). Not even some sexually bracing and culturally antipathetic quotes appear from contemporary, much endorsed novelist Christos Tsiolkas, who has criticised substantial elements of modern Australian life.
It soon becomes apparent that the author does not much like Australia or its people: the nation is 'no better than average,' albeit 'a complex society,' but, one that 'advantages the few,' and its people generally are 'complacent, lazy, judgmental and angry.'
Australia, the book argues, is defined by exclusion, isolationism, protectionism, and anti-refugee sentiment. Most damningly, it is asserted that Australia is characterised by silences and forgetfulness in regard to its native aboriginal culture.
The book limits itself almost entirely to events in Australian political and social life within the author's post-war (WW11) experiences, and within that limited band, to events that displeased so-called progressives.
The evidence for the negative assessment of Australia includes: alleged insularity and provincialism during the post-war reconstruction in the 1950s; the White Australia Policy that lingered into the 1960s (partly motivated at inception by considerations related to sustaining incomes in early twentieth century labour markets, and underpinning already comparatively reasonable living standards); the gubernatorial termination of the reformist Whitlam government in the 1970s; the so-called 'neo-liberal Friedmanite' economic restructuring by Labor governments in the 1980s; the minority yes vote at the Republic referendum in 1999; the 'relaxed and comfortable' philosophy of Liberal Prime Minister John Howard in the 2000s; the anti-Asian immigration remarks of lone rider politician Pauline Hanson; and the Howard and Abbott governments' deterrence of illegal immigration in the opening decades of this century.
Interspersed among the references to these events are ongoing complaints about centrist and right of centre opinions propounded in the Murdoch media, and an alleged insufficiency in funding for Australia's public and multicultural broadcasters ('cowed', and struggling for money, apparently, with $1.4 billion per year deemed not fit for purpose).
Not surprisingly, given these preoccupations, the book's extensive litany of antipathies towards modern Australia is interrupted only once to record an apparent and brief political and cultural 'Renaissance': the Whitlam era of the early 1970s, when the national government funded an extensive range of welfare programs and artistic endeavours.
And therein lies the book's program for change - more government. Its call to arms is a vague 'be bold, be bold', an admonition taken from nineteenth century Australian women's rights and voting reform activist Rose Scott (and taken out of context, a characteristic of this book).
The recommended forward strategy is also second hand: a set of proposals taken from the American academic historian and essayist Jill Lapore. They include 'a new social contract for (presumably more) public goods, environmental protection, sustainable agriculture, public health, community centres, public education, grants for small business, public funding for the arts,' and the development of an 'industrial architecture with jobs that provide meaning and sustain lives and values that put respect and integrity first.' Presumably, existing jobs in Australian industry are a hellhole of poverty and misery, relatively high living standards notwithstanding.
None of these indistinct proposals are subjected to any detailed analysis of development and implementation options, or their costs relative to alternatives. Their provenance is obvious (recurrent proposals of academics and journalists in the predominantly publicly funded institutions).
The discussion of these recommendations lacks an economically literate appreciation of the substandard performance of programs directed by government relative to private endeavours that can be undertaken with more direct and efficient incentives, and with better performance in the management of the necessary resources and related outcomes.
An unintentionally amusing vignette occurs when the author briefly recalls a discussion in the 1980s with one of Australia's most prominent academic economists, the recently deceased Professor Geoffrey Brennan, who was a global expert in the application of economic theory to public choice decisions, such as voting and efficient governance.
Stumped by Brennan's assurances that substantial and beneficial progress would prevail when informed by rational decisions motivated by self interest, the author retires from the discussion convinced 'no doubt my scepticism was infuriating.' The respected, intelligent, and learned Brennan more likely was amused by the display of economic illiteracy.
A reader of 'The Idea of Australia' can easily devise alternative and more credible versions of Australia's development since the Second World War. The nation survived, with substantial American assistance, a threat of imminent invasion by then brutal Japanese militarism.
Australia was able thereafter to record extraordinary gains in economic productivity, to develop rapidly a relatively very high, enviable, and broadly dispersed standard of living, with associated political freedoms, and to implement an exceptionally successful legal immigration program that has forged one of the most tolerant multicultural societies in the world.
Australia's positive development is particularly noteworthy given alternative scenarios that easily could have occurred. Had Australia been settled by a mix of European countries, its political and social progress over the last two centuries may have been retarded and riven by diffences, conflicts, and limited national development of its highly valuable and remunerative resources.
The establishment of a single, unitary form of democratic government along English lines, and the associated relatively benign (by global standards) social cohesion, enabled the growth of a modern, successful nation that continues to attract strong immigrant interest.
'The Idea of Australia' amounts, then, to little more than another manifestation of a recent and virulent strand in modern political life: annoyed and angry dissatisfaction among the educated middle class with the materialism and traditional cultural interests of the majority of citizens in Western countries.
It is no surprise, therefore, that ordinary Australians appear hardly at all in the book. Their conventional patriotism, and lack of interest in a range of fashionable academic fixations (such as moving celebrations of nationhood from the foundation date, or modern gender theories) presumably are embarrassing for the modern self-proclaimed cosmopolitan.
The historical plight of Aboriginal Australians is referenced continually in the book, and the absence of a formal treaty with them when modern Australia was settled by the British becomes a recurring rationale for the book's proposals to change modern Australia.
The substantial resources currently being dedicated annually by the national government to the further development and progress of the descendants of Australia's pre-settlement cultures (1.5 times per capita on welfare relative to the non-native population) is not mentioned.
Also overlooked are the instructions in the documents authorising the first settlement in 1788 to treat the natives with ‘amity and kindness’, and punish any settler who attacks them. The treatment of the local population often fell far short of these eighteenth century enlightenment ideals, but aggressions were neither unique nor limited to aboriginals, and the working poor among the settlers frequently fared little better than the original inhabitants. Such were the times, less materially relaxed than our own.
The difficulties endured by Australia's first settlers and squatters, the shattering and significant experiences of those who fought and died in the major wars of the last century - these and other substantial influences on modern Australia's history and development feature so minimally in the book as to be virtually non-existent.
The fixation on settling a Treaty with the descendants of Australia's original populations reminds one of the proverbially detached Christian's noble concern for the neglected and downtrodden in foreign lands while indifferent to the needs of the domestic indigent.
A distinguishing feature of 'The Idea of Australia' is its relatively limited intellectual substance. Anecdotes substitute for evidence, and rhetoric is rarely deployed in the logical development of an extended argument. Similar points are made repetitively across multiple chapters.
This is somewhat surprising, given the author's credentials. Julianne Schultz is a baby boomer (b.1956) daughter of strongly Christian parents. Schultz has substantial tertiary education credentials, and has had a successful career as a journalist, author, ABC manager, and board director in a wide range of organisations in (mainly publicly funded) journalism, media, arts, native culture, and academia. She founded and edited the prolific magazine of cultural commentary 'The Griffith Review', and is currently Emeritus Professor of Media and Culture at Griffith University.
Where, then, is the academic rigour such a background ought to suggest? Naïvety and casual observations substitute for detail and evidence.
A recurring motif in the book is that it represents an 'X-Ray' of contemporary Australia taken during the Covid lockdowns of 2020-21. Yet the X-Ray focuses solely on the cultural interests of middle class Australians with tertiary educations whose computer based work enabled remote servicing, while the work and lives of the Australians in what was termed 'essential services' (read workers) are not captured anywhere in this skeletal, shadowy, insubstantial snapshot.
Some anecdotes border on the risible. Schultz records her time living on Sydney's wealthy North Shore, peering surreptitiously in the local stores at neighbours who might be among the very few who, like her, voted Labor in her electorate in the general elections.
Particularly embarrassing is an account of her own right-on struggles in opening up access to the beach in a Harbour front apartment block. What did you do in the war, Mummy?
Worse, Schultz cannot understand why people (the majority) not only do not not share her ideas, and those of her like-minded colleagues in her professional lives, but seem stubbornly and mulishly resistant to the apparent logic and value of her analysis. She quotes fellow journalist and author David Marr, wondering why 'setting out the facts with clarity and goodwill' has not resulted in a mass Pauline conversion among the great unwashed.
Marr's hitherto substantial reputation for, among other things, a substantive and authoritative biography of Nobel prize winning author Patrick White takes an unfortunate and unintended sideswipe dent from this inopportune revelation.
Schultz reads at times like one of the well-off women with professional careers who have campaigned in recent political elections for more action on climate change and related causes. These so-called Teals (Liberal blue and climate green) emerged almost certainly after Schultz finished her book, but she seems a definitive representative of this new breed of middle class political activism - comfortably preserved in substantial material wealth, tertiary educated, and naively obsessed by fashionable 'progressive' causes whose appeal includes their relatively chic elitism.
The book is also at times both comically and annoyingly simplistic. The analysis rarely goes further than a Manichaean us/them duality: the leftist ABC/ALP good, the centrist and right wing Coalition (especially former PM Howard) and the Murdoch press bad.
The text suggests several times that a modern Orwellian dystopia is upon us. The effect is ludicrous. The Covid lockdowns are presented as a harbinger of future dislocation under climate change events 'as profound as war.'
The challenge of limiting excess global emissions of greenhouse gases may be substantial, but the suggestion 'our children face a more constrained future' than the author's generation is melodramatic and unevidenced. It contradicts the well publicized projections by the Australian federal Treasury that future wealth is likely to advance so substantially that the costs of climate policies will be relatively minimal, to the point of immateriality.
Occurring early in the book, these suggestions of future calamities prefigure the exaggerations and theatrics to come in later chapters.
'The Idea of Australia' is not an accessible and straightforward read. The book's twenty chapters over 400 pages provide a largely erratic sequence of views and anecdotes, across a sporadic range of themes and subjects, in vaguely connected chapters ('Terra Nullius of the Mind', 'A Fair Go', 'The Incurable Flaw', 'The More Things Change ...', 'Soul Destroying', etc.). Did the budget of the publisher (Allen and Unwin) not extend to the funding of a competent editor?
The Idea of Australia: A search for the soul of the nation" could and should have been much better than a meandering collection of historical platitudes, inane observations of contemporary life and manners, and a short list of predictably mundane and inefficient recommendations for the further development of Australia.
Posing as a rallying cry for advancing Australia, with only the simplistic and unhelpful 'be bold, be bold' to address the book's ostentatious claims of crisis and misery in Australia, it can easily put the (admittedly facile) reader in mind more of the tag of the author's 1960s' American TV sitcom namesake: Sergeant Schultz's 'I know nothing.'
Australia as an idea can be summarised briefly: settled by the British in the late eighteenth century on Enlightenment principles, to capitalise on the emerging strategic importance of the Pacific, deploying convicts initially as the main labour force, it developed quickly into a relatively independent democracy in line with the British liberal principles of the time, and emerged in the twentieth century as a single successful nation with a diverse immigrant population and a strong record of meeting the material needs of its citizens, responding strongly to external threats with the support principally of the United States, resolving robust internal debates about its governance and development, developing a vibrant artistic and literary culture with strongly humane and democratic values, and well positioned early in the twenty first century to sustain its democratic spirit, ensure a prosperous and rewarding future as a relatively new and modern multicultural nation with a unique indigenous legacy, and manage the substantial external challenges posed by the increasing power of the world’s aggressive autocracies.
Present domestic difficulties (including especially the substantial welfare problems of many of its more isolated aboriginal citizens) are not insubstantial.
Previous actions, such as the successful transformation of the economy in the 1980s that avoided the trap of economic decline that afflicted many settler nations in South America, and Australia's continuing artistic and cultural strengths, suggest the nation has a robust and successful future.
A significant challenge to the idea of Australia is the increasingly aggressive stand taken by the autarchies that, like China, either remain in thrall to regressive and discredited nineteenth century communism, or, like Russia, cannot manage a coherent transition to modern, competitive nationhood, while being increasingly unstable and richly larded with nuclear weaponry.
This challenge will likely dominate assessments of Australia's immediate future, and the liberal philosophies that informed its founding. Again, the reader expecting ideas such as these to be addressed in a book on the idea of Australia will remain unrewarded.
The influence of Schultz's surprisingly superficial book is likely therefore to be minimal. It is a wasted effort. It takes substantial time and resources to compose and compile a book of this size and ambition. Yet the result falls far short of its titular claims. It is unlikely to refocus or progress debate or understanding of the development of Australia, its ideas past and present, or its future.
At least we know now from this book what excites the enthusiasms of the good and the great of Australia's largely publicly funded cultural institutions, whose ravishing endorsements adorn the cover of this unintentionally self-revelatory jeremiad.