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The Flag and the Cross: White Christian Nationalism and the Threat to American Democracy
Most Americans were shocked by the violence they witnessed at the nation's Capital on January 6th, 2021. And many were bewildered by the images displayed by the a wooden cross and wooden gallows; "Jesus saves" and "Don't Tread on Me;" Christian flags and Confederate Flags; even a prayer in Jesus's name after storming the Senate chamber. Where some saw a confusing jumble, Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry saw a familiar white Christian nationalism.
Gorski and Perry explain what white Christian nationalism is; when it first emerged and how it has changed; where it's headed and why it threatens democracy. Tracing the development of this ideology over the course of three centuries-and especially its influence over the last three decades-they show how, throughout American history, white Christian nationalism has animated the oppression, exclusion, and even extermination of minority groups while securing privilege for white Protestants. It enables white Christian Americans to demand "sacrifice" from others in the name of religion and nation, while defending their "rights" in the names of "liberty" and "property."
The future of American democracy will depend on whether a broad spectrum of Americans can unite in a popular front to combat the threat to liberal democracy posed by white Christian nationalism.
Gorski and Perry explain what white Christian nationalism is; when it first emerged and how it has changed; where it's headed and why it threatens democracy. Tracing the development of this ideology over the course of three centuries-and especially its influence over the last three decades-they show how, throughout American history, white Christian nationalism has animated the oppression, exclusion, and even extermination of minority groups while securing privilege for white Protestants. It enables white Christian Americans to demand "sacrifice" from others in the name of religion and nation, while defending their "rights" in the names of "liberty" and "property."
The future of American democracy will depend on whether a broad spectrum of Americans can unite in a popular front to combat the threat to liberal democracy posed by white Christian nationalism.
176 pages, Kindle Edition
First published January 1, 2022
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May 10, 2022
“White Christian nationalism is the greatest threat to the witness of the church in the United States today” (xi).
Jemar Tisby makes this statement in his Foreward. Throughout the book the authors, Philip Gorski and Samuel Perry, focus more on the twin point - “White Christian nationalism is the greatest threat to the unity, democracy and even existence of the United States today.”
If you agree with either of those points, then this book is a must-read. As a Christian, I find white Christian nationalism absolutely abhorrent and anti-Christian. For what its worth, I’ve seen nationalism as the chief sin of evangelicals since my seminary days in the early 2000s, so no one can say I am just jumping on some bandwagon. The good news is that more people are noticing and talking about nationalism. This is because it has also grown into a threat not just to the church, but to the state. As I look around at the growth of white Christian nationalism - voter suppression, opposition to women’s rights, words of praise to authoritarian leaders in other countries - I have a fear for the future my kids will grow up in.
But some will say, “wait a minute, white Christian nationalism is a myth! The real threat is Critical Race Theory and antifa and socialism!”
If you believe that, then this book is probably not going to convince you.
This is not the sort of book you give to someone to try to get them to change their mind. At this point, I am skeptical that people change their minds much anyway. But if you are unfamiliar with white Christian nationalism, or want to learn more about you, this is the best place to start.
This book is a primer on white Christian nationalism - “what it is, when it emerged, how it works, and where it’s headed” (1). Gorski and Perry are succinct in making their arguments, this book is only 130 pages. I read it in an afternoon.
“White Christian nationalism’s ‘deep story’ goes something like this: America was founded as a Christian nation by (white) men who were ‘traditional’ Christians, who based the nation’s founding documents on ‘Christian principles.’ The United States is blessed by God, which is why it has been so successful; and the nation has a special role to play in God’s plan for humanity. But these blessings are threatened by cultural degradation from ‘in-American’ influences both inside and outside our borders” (4).
Chapter two goes deeper into this deep story. But the whole thing is a myth - the religious views of the Founders was quite diverse, the founding documents drew on a variety of influences and much of the nation’s wealth and prosperity was built in stealing land from indigenous people and use of slave labor. Further, there is little that is actually “Christian” in this view. Or at least, anything recognizable as Christian outside of a Trump rally. Jesus is sidelined in favor of John Wayne, though that’s another book…
Gorski and Perry argue that “The general principle is this: white men must sometimes exercise religious violence to defend (their) freedom and maintain social (and racial) order). It is freedom for ‘us’ and authoritarian social order for ‘them’” (7). Again, Tisby is right, for there is little of actual Christ-centered discipleship here. Or as Gorski and Perry write, “their goal is power, not piety” (11)
But also, it is not just a threat to Christianity. Part of the growth of white Christian nationalism is rooted in the changing demographics. White people are becoming less of a majority and fewer people identify as Christian. As they shrink in status, white Christian nationalists are turning against democracy. When democracy favored them, when they were the clear majority, they favored it. Now when it does not, they are against it - from reducing voting rights to gerrymandering to an insurrection in the capital on January 6, 2021.
Chapter 1 - This is our Nation, Not Theirs
In this chapter, Gorski and Perry use survey data to document the political vision of white Christian nationalism. What connects the political vision of Christian nationalism with the deep story (see quote above from introduction or chapter 2) is whiteness. This is revealed in noting that the link is missing when Black Americans score high on their Christian nationalism measure and thus do not share the political vision of white Christian nationalism.
This chapter, filled with graphs and charts and data, succeeds in defining white Christian nationalism. It also shows the work “Christian” is doing in the name:
“Once we account for Christian nationalism in our statistical models, white Americans who attend church more often, pray more often, and consider religion more important are less likely to prioritize the economy or liberty over the vulnerable. Why is this the case? Because white Christian nationalism is about ethno-traditionalism and protecting the freedoms of a very narrowly defined ‘us.’ Religious commitment, in contrast, can expand what philosopher Peter Singer calls the ‘circle of empathy,’ our ability to put ourselves in other’s shoes” (37).
The question I would ask my Christian friends is, are you a Christian or a white Christian nationalist? I know people who never attend church (though plenty of white Christian nationalists do), who know little (or care little) for prayer or spiritual disciplines but watch Newsmax and go to Trump rallies and have crosses decorating their house.
Friend, you’re a Christian nationalist.
In the first chapter they also show how white Christian nationalism is highly correlated with libertarian free-market capitalism, and that this correlation is found most powerfully among white Americans. Which, I suppose, is seen in how Rush Limbaugh was the main pastor of white Christians for decades and folks like James Lindsey, Matt Walsh, Ben Shapiro, Tucker Carlson and others are their pastors now. They are not pastors for piety or Christian discipleship in any sort of long tradition beyond American exceptionalism. The tenet of faith is your economic and political view (are you a libertarian capitalist) and not your theological ones (do you believe in the Trinity).
They sum up chapter 1:
“White Christian Nationalism is our term for the ethno-traditionalism among many white Americans that conflates racial, religious, and national identity (the deep story) and pines for cultural and political power that demographic and cultural shifts have increasingly threatened (the vision). Though there have always been a variety of Christian groups and expressions, and we aren’t simply ‘letting Christianity off the hook’ here, the term ‘Christian’ in white Christian nationalism is far more akin to a dog whistle that calls out to an aggrieved tribe than a description of the content of one’s faith” (44)
Chapter 2 - The Spirit of 1690
In this chapter Gorski and Perry dig into the deep story of white Christian nationalism. Their story takes a different angle than usual, focusing on a different set of crucial moments than are usually focused on in a telling of American history: 1689, 1763, 1889 and 1989. Around 1689 the story was first formed as Puritans developed the idea of a chosen people living in a chosen nation. At the close of the French and Indian War in 1763 the chosen people had expanded to Anglo-Protestants. The Spanish-American war expanded it again and with the end of the Cold War we have a vision of Jewish-Christian Americanism.
There is a lot in this chapter, especially if you like history. Too much to get into in a review. One key point is that “Black slavery was also the foundation of a certain kind of white freedom” (59). It was the enslavement of black people, forcing them to do the labor, that gave freedom to wealthy plantation owners (like Washington and Jefferson) to dabble in science and politics. This idea of freedom for some, authoritarianism for others is a line drawn through to white Christian nationalism today.
Another key point here is that at each of these points, America had a choice. In the 1880s Reconstruction was enabling black southerners to get seats in government. There was a chance to move to a more democratic America where more people had a voice and power. But white southerners quickly squelched this, while white northerners stood by. The Lost Cause narrative took off and national unity was found through Jim Crow segregation.
At the end of the book, Gorski and Perry argue we are at a similar crossroads today.
Chapter 3 - Freedom, Violence, Order
In this chapter, Gorski and Perry show that The Tea Party, the MAGA movement and the Capital insurrection all sprouted from the same white Christian nationalist soil. Here, again, the myth of a Christian nation is more important than Christianity itself. They even cite the work of Ryan Burge that shows how “evangelical” has become a political term, emptied of religious meaning, with Americans of different religions (and Christian traditions not historically evangelical) who identify as members of the Republican Party (Hindus, Jews, Catholics, etc.) take the moniker “evangelical” as their own.
For white Christian nationalism, freedom is freedom for “us”. White Christian nationalists fear they are the ones most discriminated against in America, facing persecution and loss of their freedom. This then is turned into a justification for violence. So Derek Chauvin is lamented as unfairly prosecuted for his murder of George Floyd while Kyle Rittenhouse is seen as a hero for employing vigilante justice. In White Christian Nationalism, some people are designated as having freedom - people like “us” - while others outside the group must bow to authority. For white Christian nationalism, white violence is a source of order (Chauvin, Rittenhouse) while black or leftist violence is a source of disorder; white violence is an expression of freedom while violence from minorities (or perceived socialists!) is a threat to freedom (102).
This is seen in voting rights. One of the most eye-opening quotes is from 1980 where Paul Weyrich told an audience at the Moral Majority, “I don’t want everybody to vote” (96-97). We’ve heard more and more people say this, once thought to be kept secret and quite, loudly. White Christian nationalists do not want everyone to vote because they will lose their power. Since freedom is only for “us” then they are justified (in their mind) in taking away this right (justifying authoritarianism). If this is not convincing yet, Gorski and Perry cite numerous studies that show Christian nationalism is the strongest predictor that white Americans believe we make it too easy to vote (98).
Chapter 4 - Avoiding the Big One
In this chapter Gorski and Perry look to the future - where is white Christian nationalism going, what might happen in a worst-case scenario and what we can do to prevent that from happening. White Christian nationalism has always changed in history and is always changing, despite being conservative and thus thought to be traditional. On example is they have become more isolationist than in the past (build the wall rather than go invade some countries).
This final chapter paints a bleak picture of our future. White Christian nationalists define “the people” in a way that simply excludes many Americans (114). Voter suppression is out in the open because certain people aren’t “real Americans” and shouldn’t have a voice. Gorski and Perry paint a picture of what might happen based on what has happened in other countries in similar situations - Trump is elected once again (though losing the popular vote) through the help of his followers on the state and local level (places like Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan). Once in power, Trump and his white Christian nationalist followers institute changes that make it harder and harder to get out of power. Tim Snyder’s book On Tyranny talked about this same idea - any election could be the last one.
Will it happen here? Pay attention. Those who tried to overturn the 2020 election are working to make sure they are able to ensure a Trump victory in 2024. Of course it could.
I wouldn’t be surprised if it does.
And its scary.
“Trumpist America would not be Hitler’s Germany. But it would not be so far removed from Putin’s Russia either. And like this and other populist and kleptocratic regimes, it would be characterized by government incompetence accompanied by graduate economic decline. Ironically, a serious attempt to ‘make America great again’ would probably end up making it chaotic and poor” (127).
I would not be surprised, and they discuss this possibility, if the union just breaks up. More and more citizens continue to flock to states where people of similar political views reside. We end up with two (or three) countries.
What, after all, holds America together?
Overall, this is a great book. It is the best book to introduce a person to white Christian nationalism due to its length and recent publication. But I think Taking America Back for God, by Perry and Andrew Whitehead, is a little more in depth and ought to be read along with this. Add in Jemar Tisby’s Color of Compromise and Robert Jones’ White Too Long. Probably others.
The final chapter does paint a bleak picture, but it may have been worth saying that even if Trump does not run, America is not out of the woods. We are in a place, at a crossroads, and some other populist maniac could see how Trump got elected and do the same thing.
My hope is enough of us can work for something better for all of us.
Jemar Tisby makes this statement in his Foreward. Throughout the book the authors, Philip Gorski and Samuel Perry, focus more on the twin point - “White Christian nationalism is the greatest threat to the unity, democracy and even existence of the United States today.”
If you agree with either of those points, then this book is a must-read. As a Christian, I find white Christian nationalism absolutely abhorrent and anti-Christian. For what its worth, I’ve seen nationalism as the chief sin of evangelicals since my seminary days in the early 2000s, so no one can say I am just jumping on some bandwagon. The good news is that more people are noticing and talking about nationalism. This is because it has also grown into a threat not just to the church, but to the state. As I look around at the growth of white Christian nationalism - voter suppression, opposition to women’s rights, words of praise to authoritarian leaders in other countries - I have a fear for the future my kids will grow up in.
But some will say, “wait a minute, white Christian nationalism is a myth! The real threat is Critical Race Theory and antifa and socialism!”
If you believe that, then this book is probably not going to convince you.
This is not the sort of book you give to someone to try to get them to change their mind. At this point, I am skeptical that people change their minds much anyway. But if you are unfamiliar with white Christian nationalism, or want to learn more about you, this is the best place to start.
This book is a primer on white Christian nationalism - “what it is, when it emerged, how it works, and where it’s headed” (1). Gorski and Perry are succinct in making their arguments, this book is only 130 pages. I read it in an afternoon.
“White Christian nationalism’s ‘deep story’ goes something like this: America was founded as a Christian nation by (white) men who were ‘traditional’ Christians, who based the nation’s founding documents on ‘Christian principles.’ The United States is blessed by God, which is why it has been so successful; and the nation has a special role to play in God’s plan for humanity. But these blessings are threatened by cultural degradation from ‘in-American’ influences both inside and outside our borders” (4).
Chapter two goes deeper into this deep story. But the whole thing is a myth - the religious views of the Founders was quite diverse, the founding documents drew on a variety of influences and much of the nation’s wealth and prosperity was built in stealing land from indigenous people and use of slave labor. Further, there is little that is actually “Christian” in this view. Or at least, anything recognizable as Christian outside of a Trump rally. Jesus is sidelined in favor of John Wayne, though that’s another book…
Gorski and Perry argue that “The general principle is this: white men must sometimes exercise religious violence to defend (their) freedom and maintain social (and racial) order). It is freedom for ‘us’ and authoritarian social order for ‘them’” (7). Again, Tisby is right, for there is little of actual Christ-centered discipleship here. Or as Gorski and Perry write, “their goal is power, not piety” (11)
But also, it is not just a threat to Christianity. Part of the growth of white Christian nationalism is rooted in the changing demographics. White people are becoming less of a majority and fewer people identify as Christian. As they shrink in status, white Christian nationalists are turning against democracy. When democracy favored them, when they were the clear majority, they favored it. Now when it does not, they are against it - from reducing voting rights to gerrymandering to an insurrection in the capital on January 6, 2021.
Chapter 1 - This is our Nation, Not Theirs
In this chapter, Gorski and Perry use survey data to document the political vision of white Christian nationalism. What connects the political vision of Christian nationalism with the deep story (see quote above from introduction or chapter 2) is whiteness. This is revealed in noting that the link is missing when Black Americans score high on their Christian nationalism measure and thus do not share the political vision of white Christian nationalism.
This chapter, filled with graphs and charts and data, succeeds in defining white Christian nationalism. It also shows the work “Christian” is doing in the name:
“Once we account for Christian nationalism in our statistical models, white Americans who attend church more often, pray more often, and consider religion more important are less likely to prioritize the economy or liberty over the vulnerable. Why is this the case? Because white Christian nationalism is about ethno-traditionalism and protecting the freedoms of a very narrowly defined ‘us.’ Religious commitment, in contrast, can expand what philosopher Peter Singer calls the ‘circle of empathy,’ our ability to put ourselves in other’s shoes” (37).
The question I would ask my Christian friends is, are you a Christian or a white Christian nationalist? I know people who never attend church (though plenty of white Christian nationalists do), who know little (or care little) for prayer or spiritual disciplines but watch Newsmax and go to Trump rallies and have crosses decorating their house.
Friend, you’re a Christian nationalist.
In the first chapter they also show how white Christian nationalism is highly correlated with libertarian free-market capitalism, and that this correlation is found most powerfully among white Americans. Which, I suppose, is seen in how Rush Limbaugh was the main pastor of white Christians for decades and folks like James Lindsey, Matt Walsh, Ben Shapiro, Tucker Carlson and others are their pastors now. They are not pastors for piety or Christian discipleship in any sort of long tradition beyond American exceptionalism. The tenet of faith is your economic and political view (are you a libertarian capitalist) and not your theological ones (do you believe in the Trinity).
They sum up chapter 1:
“White Christian Nationalism is our term for the ethno-traditionalism among many white Americans that conflates racial, religious, and national identity (the deep story) and pines for cultural and political power that demographic and cultural shifts have increasingly threatened (the vision). Though there have always been a variety of Christian groups and expressions, and we aren’t simply ‘letting Christianity off the hook’ here, the term ‘Christian’ in white Christian nationalism is far more akin to a dog whistle that calls out to an aggrieved tribe than a description of the content of one’s faith” (44)
Chapter 2 - The Spirit of 1690
In this chapter Gorski and Perry dig into the deep story of white Christian nationalism. Their story takes a different angle than usual, focusing on a different set of crucial moments than are usually focused on in a telling of American history: 1689, 1763, 1889 and 1989. Around 1689 the story was first formed as Puritans developed the idea of a chosen people living in a chosen nation. At the close of the French and Indian War in 1763 the chosen people had expanded to Anglo-Protestants. The Spanish-American war expanded it again and with the end of the Cold War we have a vision of Jewish-Christian Americanism.
There is a lot in this chapter, especially if you like history. Too much to get into in a review. One key point is that “Black slavery was also the foundation of a certain kind of white freedom” (59). It was the enslavement of black people, forcing them to do the labor, that gave freedom to wealthy plantation owners (like Washington and Jefferson) to dabble in science and politics. This idea of freedom for some, authoritarianism for others is a line drawn through to white Christian nationalism today.
Another key point here is that at each of these points, America had a choice. In the 1880s Reconstruction was enabling black southerners to get seats in government. There was a chance to move to a more democratic America where more people had a voice and power. But white southerners quickly squelched this, while white northerners stood by. The Lost Cause narrative took off and national unity was found through Jim Crow segregation.
At the end of the book, Gorski and Perry argue we are at a similar crossroads today.
Chapter 3 - Freedom, Violence, Order
In this chapter, Gorski and Perry show that The Tea Party, the MAGA movement and the Capital insurrection all sprouted from the same white Christian nationalist soil. Here, again, the myth of a Christian nation is more important than Christianity itself. They even cite the work of Ryan Burge that shows how “evangelical” has become a political term, emptied of religious meaning, with Americans of different religions (and Christian traditions not historically evangelical) who identify as members of the Republican Party (Hindus, Jews, Catholics, etc.) take the moniker “evangelical” as their own.
For white Christian nationalism, freedom is freedom for “us”. White Christian nationalists fear they are the ones most discriminated against in America, facing persecution and loss of their freedom. This then is turned into a justification for violence. So Derek Chauvin is lamented as unfairly prosecuted for his murder of George Floyd while Kyle Rittenhouse is seen as a hero for employing vigilante justice. In White Christian Nationalism, some people are designated as having freedom - people like “us” - while others outside the group must bow to authority. For white Christian nationalism, white violence is a source of order (Chauvin, Rittenhouse) while black or leftist violence is a source of disorder; white violence is an expression of freedom while violence from minorities (or perceived socialists!) is a threat to freedom (102).
This is seen in voting rights. One of the most eye-opening quotes is from 1980 where Paul Weyrich told an audience at the Moral Majority, “I don’t want everybody to vote” (96-97). We’ve heard more and more people say this, once thought to be kept secret and quite, loudly. White Christian nationalists do not want everyone to vote because they will lose their power. Since freedom is only for “us” then they are justified (in their mind) in taking away this right (justifying authoritarianism). If this is not convincing yet, Gorski and Perry cite numerous studies that show Christian nationalism is the strongest predictor that white Americans believe we make it too easy to vote (98).
Chapter 4 - Avoiding the Big One
In this chapter Gorski and Perry look to the future - where is white Christian nationalism going, what might happen in a worst-case scenario and what we can do to prevent that from happening. White Christian nationalism has always changed in history and is always changing, despite being conservative and thus thought to be traditional. On example is they have become more isolationist than in the past (build the wall rather than go invade some countries).
This final chapter paints a bleak picture of our future. White Christian nationalists define “the people” in a way that simply excludes many Americans (114). Voter suppression is out in the open because certain people aren’t “real Americans” and shouldn’t have a voice. Gorski and Perry paint a picture of what might happen based on what has happened in other countries in similar situations - Trump is elected once again (though losing the popular vote) through the help of his followers on the state and local level (places like Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan). Once in power, Trump and his white Christian nationalist followers institute changes that make it harder and harder to get out of power. Tim Snyder’s book On Tyranny talked about this same idea - any election could be the last one.
Will it happen here? Pay attention. Those who tried to overturn the 2020 election are working to make sure they are able to ensure a Trump victory in 2024. Of course it could.
I wouldn’t be surprised if it does.
And its scary.
“Trumpist America would not be Hitler’s Germany. But it would not be so far removed from Putin’s Russia either. And like this and other populist and kleptocratic regimes, it would be characterized by government incompetence accompanied by graduate economic decline. Ironically, a serious attempt to ‘make America great again’ would probably end up making it chaotic and poor” (127).
I would not be surprised, and they discuss this possibility, if the union just breaks up. More and more citizens continue to flock to states where people of similar political views reside. We end up with two (or three) countries.
What, after all, holds America together?
Overall, this is a great book. It is the best book to introduce a person to white Christian nationalism due to its length and recent publication. But I think Taking America Back for God, by Perry and Andrew Whitehead, is a little more in depth and ought to be read along with this. Add in Jemar Tisby’s Color of Compromise and Robert Jones’ White Too Long. Probably others.
The final chapter does paint a bleak picture, but it may have been worth saying that even if Trump does not run, America is not out of the woods. We are in a place, at a crossroads, and some other populist maniac could see how Trump got elected and do the same thing.
My hope is enough of us can work for something better for all of us.
May 29, 2024
This is one of those extremely well researched books that is well written and that American voters should read. The topic is white Christian nationalism, dating to 1690. It may be a short book but it contains a mountain of information about the threat that the aforementioned topic poses at this particular time in our history.
Beginning with the Puritans and their beliefs, Gorski traces the belief system through history to today. At the end of the day, we cannot "be a truly multiracial democracy... and a white Christian nation at the same time". This is the struggle in which we are engaged and if the white Christian nationalists have their way, there will be no democracy. Although the author points out that because of the diversification in this country, it will be more difficult to achieve this than in places like Hungary and Poland. News sources are privately owned, Hollywood produces movies independent of the government, social media outlets are privately owned, and so forth.
The book has given me a deeper understanding of the issue and offers a bit of hope at the end that it may be able to fight these forces that many people consider to be evil.
Beginning with the Puritans and their beliefs, Gorski traces the belief system through history to today. At the end of the day, we cannot "be a truly multiracial democracy... and a white Christian nation at the same time". This is the struggle in which we are engaged and if the white Christian nationalists have their way, there will be no democracy. Although the author points out that because of the diversification in this country, it will be more difficult to achieve this than in places like Hungary and Poland. News sources are privately owned, Hollywood produces movies independent of the government, social media outlets are privately owned, and so forth.
The book has given me a deeper understanding of the issue and offers a bit of hope at the end that it may be able to fight these forces that many people consider to be evil.
May 18, 2022
This book defines White Christian Nationalism, explains in detail how it arose and developed over the history of the US, shows (using survey data) the current political behavior of White Christian Nationalists, and finally gives a few hints about how we can avoid losing our multicultural democracy over the next few years.
I found the historical overview very helpful. I also got some clarity on how adherents of White Christian Nationalism actually think--in particular, the apparent contradictions. For example, violence is bad when it is being used to create chaos and violence is good when it is being used to restore order. Similarly for censorship.
The book is short and concentrated. There are many books on this topic and I've read a few of them. This is one of the best.
I found the historical overview very helpful. I also got some clarity on how adherents of White Christian Nationalism actually think--in particular, the apparent contradictions. For example, violence is bad when it is being used to create chaos and violence is good when it is being used to restore order. Similarly for censorship.
The book is short and concentrated. There are many books on this topic and I've read a few of them. This is one of the best.
July 20, 2025
I am shocked by how much information was packed into this ~175-page book. I also did not know historical sociology existed, and did not expect to be walked back through centuries of American history. Though I welcomed it; I have quickly tired of “self-help” nonfiction about race relations in favor of learning about historical figures, events, and trends that did not make it into my K-12 curriculum.
The book begins with a foreword by Jemar Tisby, who was alienated by members of his predominantly white evangelical church following the 2016 election of Donald Trump. The reactive cultural shifts brought about by Trump’s campaign and presidency have caused many people of color to feel isolated and scorned within their churches, workplaces, and even family or social circles.
This said, Gorski and Perry are careful to define white Christian nationalism with nuance, sharing that it is less about genuine religious commitment and more about hating immigrants and socialists. Like how the risks of COVID were minimized, unless they saw an opportunity to exploit the pandemic by blaming the Chinese for its origin and undocumented immigrants for crossing borders with scary new variants, like a reverse smallpox blanket.
This is why white Christian nationalists view other white Christian Americans who defend the rights of immigrants, queer people, and other minorities as threats to their way of life — despite sharing racial and religious identities. White Christian nationalism scapegoats different groups of people as causes of societal decay. A devout white Christian whose church welcomes refugees is part of the problem. It’s not about whether you believe in God, it’s about whether you believe in systemic racism.
As for individual racism, white Christian nationalists are not worried about that, either. They do not think they are racist because they like people of color who are white supremacists: prominent figures like Candace Owens and Dinesh D’Souza. As an extension of this, you do not have to be white to be a white Christian nationalist.
These are some of my takeaways, and I love me some Dave Ramsey slander so that was a nice surprise. I thought the term austerity (vs. prosperity) gospel fit him so perfectly. It is not the job of government to provide poor people public assistance, food, housing, healthcare. Worldly sources of material relief are detractions from faith. Personally I would be depressed to believe so strongly we owe nothing to one another, but that’s just me.
My main qualm: Jonathan Haidt. I am absolutely begging nonfiction authors to stop referencing Haidt as a reliable or impressive source. This also happened with the last book I read ( When Islam Is Not a Religion ) so I may be extra sensitive to it. Still, I have to own this book so I can march around with it very smug during the next civil war. For fans of The New Jim Crow and The Quiet Damage.
The book begins with a foreword by Jemar Tisby, who was alienated by members of his predominantly white evangelical church following the 2016 election of Donald Trump. The reactive cultural shifts brought about by Trump’s campaign and presidency have caused many people of color to feel isolated and scorned within their churches, workplaces, and even family or social circles.
This said, Gorski and Perry are careful to define white Christian nationalism with nuance, sharing that it is less about genuine religious commitment and more about hating immigrants and socialists. Like how the risks of COVID were minimized, unless they saw an opportunity to exploit the pandemic by blaming the Chinese for its origin and undocumented immigrants for crossing borders with scary new variants, like a reverse smallpox blanket.
This is why white Christian nationalists view other white Christian Americans who defend the rights of immigrants, queer people, and other minorities as threats to their way of life — despite sharing racial and religious identities. White Christian nationalism scapegoats different groups of people as causes of societal decay. A devout white Christian whose church welcomes refugees is part of the problem. It’s not about whether you believe in God, it’s about whether you believe in systemic racism.
As for individual racism, white Christian nationalists are not worried about that, either. They do not think they are racist because they like people of color who are white supremacists: prominent figures like Candace Owens and Dinesh D’Souza. As an extension of this, you do not have to be white to be a white Christian nationalist.
These are some of my takeaways, and I love me some Dave Ramsey slander so that was a nice surprise. I thought the term austerity (vs. prosperity) gospel fit him so perfectly. It is not the job of government to provide poor people public assistance, food, housing, healthcare. Worldly sources of material relief are detractions from faith. Personally I would be depressed to believe so strongly we owe nothing to one another, but that’s just me.
My main qualm: Jonathan Haidt. I am absolutely begging nonfiction authors to stop referencing Haidt as a reliable or impressive source. This also happened with the last book I read ( When Islam Is Not a Religion ) so I may be extra sensitive to it. Still, I have to own this book so I can march around with it very smug during the next civil war. For fans of The New Jim Crow and The Quiet Damage.
June 15, 2022
The Flag and the Cross: White Christian Nationalism and the Threat to American Democracy by Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry
“The Flag and the Cross” is an interesting examination of what Christian nationalism is and how its “deep story” keeps getting re-told and embellished to suit those who buy into it. Authors Gorski and Perry make the compelling case that white Christian nationalism is the greatest threat to our democracy. This eye-opening 169-page book includes the following four chapters: 1.“This Is Our Nation, Not Theirs”, 2.The Spirit of 1690, 3.Freedom, Violence, Order and 4. Avoiding “The Big One”.
Positives:
1. A professionally written book. It’s focused and succinct.
2. A fascinating premise, white Christian nationalism’s threat to democracy.
3. Clearly explains upfront what this book is all about. “This book is a primer on white Christian nationalism, what it is, when it emerged, how it works, and where it’s headed.”
4. A good use of charts and graphs to complement the excellent narrative.
5. The format is very good and easy to follow. The authors address four fundamental questions pertaining to white Christian fundamentalism. “In this book, we address four fundamental questions: (1) What is white Christian nationalism? (2) When did it emerge? (3) How does it work politically? And, finally (4) Where might it be headed tomorrow?”
6. Explains the fundamental concept of the “deep story”. “America was founded as a Christian nation by (white) men who were “traditional” Christians, who based the nation’s founding documents on “Christian principles.” The United States is blessed by God, which is why it has been so successful; and the nation has a special role to play in God’s plan for humanity. But these blessings are threatened by cultural degradation from “un-American” influences both inside and outside our borders.”
7. The general principle defined. “White men must sometimes exercise righteous violence to defend (their) freedom and maintain social (and racial) order. It is freedom for “us” and authoritarian social order for “them.”
8. Explains the basic difference between patriotism and nationalism. “Patriotism is animated by love, nationalism by hatred.” “White Christian nationalism is nationalist because it rejects pluralism and what many on the right call “globalism.””
9. Myths debunked. “And these are myths: the United States was not founded by Pilgrims and Puritans. Ninety-eight percent of America’s inhabitants were not “evangelicals” at the founding. It has never been illegal to pray in public school. And the Constitution says absolutely nothing about God, the Bible, or the Ten Commandments.”
10. The authors show many correlations between white nationalists and specific issues. “Instead, the strongest connection was between white Christian nationalism and antipathy toward socialists. It is that group, not atheists or Muslims, that white Christian nationalism finds the most threatening.”
11. The spirit of 1690 explained. “In the Spirit of 1690, whiteness connotes “freedom” and “order,” but also “violence”: freedom in opposition to Black bondage; order against native “savagery,” and violence as the means of ensuring both.”
12. Find out what the “Curse Matrix” is.
13. White Christian libertarianism. “At the same time, Fifield happily supported President Eisenhower’s efforts to conjure up a Christian—and capitalist—America to fight the “Godless communism” of the Soviet Union.”
14. MAGA! The secularization of white Christian nationalism. “MAGA is a secularized and reactionary form of white Christian nationalism. Which makes Donald Trump the new John Wayne.”
15. The link between Christian values and authoritarianism. “The more that white Americans seek to institutionalize “Christian values” or the nation’s Christian identity, the more strongly they support gun-toting good guys taking on (real or imagined) gun-toting bad guys, the more frequent use of the death penalty, any-means-necessary policing, and even torture as an interrogation technique.”
16. Interesting polls. “In a poll conducted in October 2020, political scientist Paul Djupe found 73% of Americans who scored in the top 25% of our Christian nationalism scale also affirmed core tenets of the QAnon conspiracy.”
17. Preferences of white Christian nationalists. “Instead, white Christian nationalism clearly favors the Electoral College system. These findings suggest that the “populism” linked with white Christian nationalism is an authoritarian populism, one that happily exchanges democratic procedure for tribal victory.”
18. Notes included.
Negatives:
1. So good, I wanted more, much more. Many issues left on the table.
2. No formal bibliography.
3. Some of the charts were harder to follow.
In summary, this is a very good brief book that examines white Christian nationalism. The authors do a very good job of explaining why white Christian nationalism is a threat to our democracy by answering four fundamental questions and its foundation the “deep story”. The book’s focused and succinct approach will be welcomed by readers looking for direct answers. I recommend it.
Further recommendations: “One Nation Under God” by Kevin Kruse, “Founding Myth” by Andrew Seidel, “Why the Religious Right Is Wrong about Separation of Church and State” by Robert Boston, “Nonbeliever Nation” by David Niose, “The Dark Side of Christian History” by Helen Ellerbe, “Birth Control, Insurance Coverage, & the Religious Right” by A.F. Alexander, “The God Argument” by A.C. Grayling, “Freethinkers” by Susan Jacoby, “Moral Combat” by Sikivu Hutchinson, “Republican Gomorrah” by Max Blumenthal, “American Fascists” by Chris Hedges, “Doubt” by Jennifer Michael Hecht, and “Society Without God” by Phil Zuckerman.
“The Flag and the Cross” is an interesting examination of what Christian nationalism is and how its “deep story” keeps getting re-told and embellished to suit those who buy into it. Authors Gorski and Perry make the compelling case that white Christian nationalism is the greatest threat to our democracy. This eye-opening 169-page book includes the following four chapters: 1.“This Is Our Nation, Not Theirs”, 2.The Spirit of 1690, 3.Freedom, Violence, Order and 4. Avoiding “The Big One”.
Positives:
1. A professionally written book. It’s focused and succinct.
2. A fascinating premise, white Christian nationalism’s threat to democracy.
3. Clearly explains upfront what this book is all about. “This book is a primer on white Christian nationalism, what it is, when it emerged, how it works, and where it’s headed.”
4. A good use of charts and graphs to complement the excellent narrative.
5. The format is very good and easy to follow. The authors address four fundamental questions pertaining to white Christian fundamentalism. “In this book, we address four fundamental questions: (1) What is white Christian nationalism? (2) When did it emerge? (3) How does it work politically? And, finally (4) Where might it be headed tomorrow?”
6. Explains the fundamental concept of the “deep story”. “America was founded as a Christian nation by (white) men who were “traditional” Christians, who based the nation’s founding documents on “Christian principles.” The United States is blessed by God, which is why it has been so successful; and the nation has a special role to play in God’s plan for humanity. But these blessings are threatened by cultural degradation from “un-American” influences both inside and outside our borders.”
7. The general principle defined. “White men must sometimes exercise righteous violence to defend (their) freedom and maintain social (and racial) order. It is freedom for “us” and authoritarian social order for “them.”
8. Explains the basic difference between patriotism and nationalism. “Patriotism is animated by love, nationalism by hatred.” “White Christian nationalism is nationalist because it rejects pluralism and what many on the right call “globalism.””
9. Myths debunked. “And these are myths: the United States was not founded by Pilgrims and Puritans. Ninety-eight percent of America’s inhabitants were not “evangelicals” at the founding. It has never been illegal to pray in public school. And the Constitution says absolutely nothing about God, the Bible, or the Ten Commandments.”
10. The authors show many correlations between white nationalists and specific issues. “Instead, the strongest connection was between white Christian nationalism and antipathy toward socialists. It is that group, not atheists or Muslims, that white Christian nationalism finds the most threatening.”
11. The spirit of 1690 explained. “In the Spirit of 1690, whiteness connotes “freedom” and “order,” but also “violence”: freedom in opposition to Black bondage; order against native “savagery,” and violence as the means of ensuring both.”
12. Find out what the “Curse Matrix” is.
13. White Christian libertarianism. “At the same time, Fifield happily supported President Eisenhower’s efforts to conjure up a Christian—and capitalist—America to fight the “Godless communism” of the Soviet Union.”
14. MAGA! The secularization of white Christian nationalism. “MAGA is a secularized and reactionary form of white Christian nationalism. Which makes Donald Trump the new John Wayne.”
15. The link between Christian values and authoritarianism. “The more that white Americans seek to institutionalize “Christian values” or the nation’s Christian identity, the more strongly they support gun-toting good guys taking on (real or imagined) gun-toting bad guys, the more frequent use of the death penalty, any-means-necessary policing, and even torture as an interrogation technique.”
16. Interesting polls. “In a poll conducted in October 2020, political scientist Paul Djupe found 73% of Americans who scored in the top 25% of our Christian nationalism scale also affirmed core tenets of the QAnon conspiracy.”
17. Preferences of white Christian nationalists. “Instead, white Christian nationalism clearly favors the Electoral College system. These findings suggest that the “populism” linked with white Christian nationalism is an authoritarian populism, one that happily exchanges democratic procedure for tribal victory.”
18. Notes included.
Negatives:
1. So good, I wanted more, much more. Many issues left on the table.
2. No formal bibliography.
3. Some of the charts were harder to follow.
In summary, this is a very good brief book that examines white Christian nationalism. The authors do a very good job of explaining why white Christian nationalism is a threat to our democracy by answering four fundamental questions and its foundation the “deep story”. The book’s focused and succinct approach will be welcomed by readers looking for direct answers. I recommend it.
Further recommendations: “One Nation Under God” by Kevin Kruse, “Founding Myth” by Andrew Seidel, “Why the Religious Right Is Wrong about Separation of Church and State” by Robert Boston, “Nonbeliever Nation” by David Niose, “The Dark Side of Christian History” by Helen Ellerbe, “Birth Control, Insurance Coverage, & the Religious Right” by A.F. Alexander, “The God Argument” by A.C. Grayling, “Freethinkers” by Susan Jacoby, “Moral Combat” by Sikivu Hutchinson, “Republican Gomorrah” by Max Blumenthal, “American Fascists” by Chris Hedges, “Doubt” by Jennifer Michael Hecht, and “Society Without God” by Phil Zuckerman.
June 18, 2023
If you like the horror genre, give this a read!
September 13, 2022
3.5 stars. This is a good overview of how we got to where we are today and outlines what's at stake for the US. The authors assert that people born outside of the US are most at risk should MAGA continue to gain power. Later chapters project some possible futures, and the outlook is not especially good. I was a bit disappointed that the vociferous othering of LGBTQ+ people, and trans people in particular, was left out, given how rampant this behavior has been for some time. The increasingly tenuous status of women and Jews in this country was also largely overlooked.
June 24, 2022
Wow. Never have I felt more enlightened—or more terrified—about the forces ripping America apart. In a brisk, 130 page read, the authors lay out a unified theory of White Christian Nationalism that explains the many “hypocrisies” at the heart of the movement. How can they see Black Lives Matter as a form of violent chaos while also lionizing the January 6th insurrectionists? The answer lies in a holy trinity of freedom, order, and violence: freedom for them, order for everybody else, and violence whenever necessary to protect that system. This holy trinity is the scaffolding for the “deep story” of America that continually casts White Christians in the role of aggrieved crusader. They are a uniquely gifted people commanded by God to impose order on a savage world, but the world’s “others” keep resisting.
I implore you not to skip the chapter on the history of this deep story. As the authors show, not only have the “others” been recast countless times, but so have the heroes, as the concept of “whiteness” has expanded. You can see it today, with the inclusion of minoritized Americans in the Proud Boys et. al. Make no mistake, though: if White Christian Nationalists fear dissent within their ranks, that definition will contract again.
White Christian Nationalism is not new. It is not a blip. And it is not going away. The January 6th insurrection was a trial balloon, and there will be many more. These attacks will become increasingly violent as the movement’s soldiers feel increasingly threatened. America is in for a bumpy ride.
I implore you not to skip the chapter on the history of this deep story. As the authors show, not only have the “others” been recast countless times, but so have the heroes, as the concept of “whiteness” has expanded. You can see it today, with the inclusion of minoritized Americans in the Proud Boys et. al. Make no mistake, though: if White Christian Nationalists fear dissent within their ranks, that definition will contract again.
White Christian Nationalism is not new. It is not a blip. And it is not going away. The January 6th insurrection was a trial balloon, and there will be many more. These attacks will become increasingly violent as the movement’s soldiers feel increasingly threatened. America is in for a bumpy ride.
July 4, 2023
I learned a bunch about white Christian nationalism and am glad I read it, and while I find the information valuable don't start here if you're just getting into the subject. Instead I'd recommend The Undertow: Scenes from a Slow Civil War by Jeff Sharlet, as it's less academic and more narrative-driven.
March 12, 2025
Academic Research Based
If you need convincing, here it is. Charts and graphs abound to show that Christian Nationalism = bad for America.
If you need convincing, here it is. Charts and graphs abound to show that Christian Nationalism = bad for America.
May 22, 2022
Suppose you want a clearer understanding of what is happening in this country, especially the last few years with the Trump phenomenon and the January 6th insurrection. In that case, this is a book that will enlighten, inform, and depend on how you feel about liberal democracy in much of Europe and this country compared to illiberal democracies such as Hungary, Poland, Turkey, and Russia.
It is a study by two sociologists in great depth looking at the history of "white Christian nationalism" over the past 400 years in this country and how it has played out and evolved throughout our history. It details exactly what it is and why it is and how it has grown as it has recently as the dominant white culture of the US is rapidly becoming more diversified and multicultural. With the inevitable changes from the dominant ethnocultural status to a minority, it has become much more vocal and willing to change the boundaries of what democracy means. As the book points out, if you are becoming a minority, you have to move from a "civic democracy" where all citizens enjoy citizenship rights to an ethnocultural one where only certain citizens have the freedoms we expect in a democratic society.
It is both scary and hopeful, and much depends on our decisions in the next couple of election cycles! As the Founding Fathers pointed out, our country has always been an experiment that lasted far longer than they ever anticipated. It is not inevitable that it continues; it can die on the vine if the forces gathering are not understood, and the populace doesn't educate itself and pay attention. That is the duty of ALL citizens!
It is a study by two sociologists in great depth looking at the history of "white Christian nationalism" over the past 400 years in this country and how it has played out and evolved throughout our history. It details exactly what it is and why it is and how it has grown as it has recently as the dominant white culture of the US is rapidly becoming more diversified and multicultural. With the inevitable changes from the dominant ethnocultural status to a minority, it has become much more vocal and willing to change the boundaries of what democracy means. As the book points out, if you are becoming a minority, you have to move from a "civic democracy" where all citizens enjoy citizenship rights to an ethnocultural one where only certain citizens have the freedoms we expect in a democratic society.
It is both scary and hopeful, and much depends on our decisions in the next couple of election cycles! As the Founding Fathers pointed out, our country has always been an experiment that lasted far longer than they ever anticipated. It is not inevitable that it continues; it can die on the vine if the forces gathering are not understood, and the populace doesn't educate itself and pay attention. That is the duty of ALL citizens!
March 31, 2022
I greatly respect Prof. Gorski, but this book was a bit underwhelming. Chapter 2 alone is worth the price of the book though. So, I think it works out. Definitely have some methodology questions.
October 27, 2025
Holy shit this was a terrifying read for me.
This was published in 2022 and Gorski & Perry accurately predicted what Trump's second term has looked like. That's actually insane.
Not only did Gorski & Perry do that, but they also made it abundantly clear that America is at a crossroads and that civil war, or secession is a huge possibility. The last sentence in this book - ominous af. I can't believe this is our reality.
I'm honestly disappointed in myself in regard to not putting two and two together when it comes to white nationalist being afraid of becoming the minority and therefore they are pushing their ideology so that the average, narcissistic white man feels special and "seen". All these white, rich lawmakers are SO afraid that they are comfortable breaking laws to create new ones to benefit themselves while they constantly scream "It's THEIR fault!!". It's absolutely sickening to know they're "recruiting" young white men.
Ugh. Anyway, I am glad Gorski & Perry defined nationalism and patriotism because now I feel a bit more confident on speaking on the difference.
This was a scary read but a must.
This was published in 2022 and Gorski & Perry accurately predicted what Trump's second term has looked like. That's actually insane.
Not only did Gorski & Perry do that, but they also made it abundantly clear that America is at a crossroads and that civil war, or secession is a huge possibility. The last sentence in this book - ominous af. I can't believe this is our reality.
I'm honestly disappointed in myself in regard to not putting two and two together when it comes to white nationalist being afraid of becoming the minority and therefore they are pushing their ideology so that the average, narcissistic white man feels special and "seen". All these white, rich lawmakers are SO afraid that they are comfortable breaking laws to create new ones to benefit themselves while they constantly scream "It's THEIR fault!!". It's absolutely sickening to know they're "recruiting" young white men.
Ugh. Anyway, I am glad Gorski & Perry defined nationalism and patriotism because now I feel a bit more confident on speaking on the difference.
This was a scary read but a must.
May 25, 2025
Although I agree with the overall thesis of the book, there were several flagrant historical errors (Constantine never “hunted pagans,” Memorial Day was not founded by the Daughters of the Confederacy, Francoist Spain was not under the “authority of the church” in the same way that Catholic Integralists want, etc.). It’s important that criticism against Christian Nationalism be leveled in the most accurate terms possible.
September 19, 2022
This is a great book because it’s so short and accessible, and because it uses data. I loved how it explained their polls and how they accounted for variables. I don’t think I learned anything new, but the presentation was great and I’d recommend to others who are looking to understand the topic.
February 11, 2024
Now is the time for all people of Reason and Rationality to stand against White Christian Nationalism, which is not only a threat to American Democracy but also one-third of the Apocalyptic Abrahamic absurdities threatening life on this planet.
March 20, 2025
Quite simply one of the most insightful and articulate books I have read when it comes to making sense of the current political (and let’s face it, existential) moment in the United States. An absolute must read.
September 2, 2024
3.5 rounded up
December 27, 2024
Do not let the size of this volume fool you -- the 157 pages between the covers are extraordinarily robust in both the presentation of the authors' analysis and the data that supports their argument.
Philip Gorski and Samuel Perry are well-known sociologists whose previous articles and books have demonstrated their competence as scholars inquiring into such fields as religion, history, politics, race and democracy. This is not a book about religion and politics in any conventional sense, nor is it about the intersecting spheres of "church" and "state." Rather, it is an attempt to describe the history and the architecture of what is known as white Christian nationalism. It is, alarmingly so, an inquiry into what the authors call "the toxic combination of racism, religion, and politics."
In particular, the phenomenon they are engaging is a blending of three discrete ideologies or visions, namely white supremacy, evangelical Christianity, and political conservatism. With the exception of white supremacy, these visions and the communities that support them may be viewed as players in a varied field; evangelical Christianity is a form of the pluriform Christian tradition, and political conservatism is a form of political philosophy. But what happens when these three visions cross-cut and populate a meta-ideology or totalizing ideology? We have the creation of white Christian nationalism.
The authors develop their examination and assessment of white Christian nationalism by first describing what it is, based on empirical research data. They then chart the historical development of the metavision and examine how it works in the contemporary social-political arena. Finally, they prognosticate by describing where it--and everything that occupies the sociocultural and political environment in which its located--could very well take us.
And it's not pretty! Whether that vision materializes will depend on whether those who read this book can discern a path of resistance to challenge and contest this destructive vision, and partner with others whose interest in improving and strengthening our liberal democracy assures their collaboration in dismantling this noxious and malignant ideology.
Philip Gorski and Samuel Perry are well-known sociologists whose previous articles and books have demonstrated their competence as scholars inquiring into such fields as religion, history, politics, race and democracy. This is not a book about religion and politics in any conventional sense, nor is it about the intersecting spheres of "church" and "state." Rather, it is an attempt to describe the history and the architecture of what is known as white Christian nationalism. It is, alarmingly so, an inquiry into what the authors call "the toxic combination of racism, religion, and politics."
In particular, the phenomenon they are engaging is a blending of three discrete ideologies or visions, namely white supremacy, evangelical Christianity, and political conservatism. With the exception of white supremacy, these visions and the communities that support them may be viewed as players in a varied field; evangelical Christianity is a form of the pluriform Christian tradition, and political conservatism is a form of political philosophy. But what happens when these three visions cross-cut and populate a meta-ideology or totalizing ideology? We have the creation of white Christian nationalism.
The authors develop their examination and assessment of white Christian nationalism by first describing what it is, based on empirical research data. They then chart the historical development of the metavision and examine how it works in the contemporary social-political arena. Finally, they prognosticate by describing where it--and everything that occupies the sociocultural and political environment in which its located--could very well take us.
And it's not pretty! Whether that vision materializes will depend on whether those who read this book can discern a path of resistance to challenge and contest this destructive vision, and partner with others whose interest in improving and strengthening our liberal democracy assures their collaboration in dismantling this noxious and malignant ideology.
June 12, 2022
I’ve been screaming into the void for years, especially since Trump’s election, that we are fighting white christian nationalists. Finally, the data and dialog to prove it. I’m tired of the news media calling out nationalism or white nationalism. It’s not. It’s specifically white christian nationalism, but even journalists are too embedded in their own religions or too afraid to call it out.l
Whenever I talk to a trump voter — I don’t always know they voted for him — until they start issuing BS like how violent the BLM movement was, or how nobody’s taking away voters rights, or protecting the riot at the capital by describing it a tourist event or that yes indeed they would use an AR15 to shoot a pigeon.
What I fear is exactly the scenario laid out here - that Trump horrifically is elected, surrounds himself with incompetent, powerful white rich guys and we end up with blue vs. red states. We already see it with the SCOTUS and the early opinion on overturning Roe. Blue states are creating sanctuaries for womens health and red states are planning to arrest women and doctors. The most horrifying is exactly what could happen, not only a return to Jim Crow 2, but an incompetent, unintelligent, inept, lying, trump child taking over.
Whenever I talk to a trump voter — I don’t always know they voted for him — until they start issuing BS like how violent the BLM movement was, or how nobody’s taking away voters rights, or protecting the riot at the capital by describing it a tourist event or that yes indeed they would use an AR15 to shoot a pigeon.
What I fear is exactly the scenario laid out here - that Trump horrifically is elected, surrounds himself with incompetent, powerful white rich guys and we end up with blue vs. red states. We already see it with the SCOTUS and the early opinion on overturning Roe. Blue states are creating sanctuaries for womens health and red states are planning to arrest women and doctors. The most horrifying is exactly what could happen, not only a return to Jim Crow 2, but an incompetent, unintelligent, inept, lying, trump child taking over.
May 22, 2025
The Flag and The Cross is a powerful and deeply insightful examination of how Christian nationalism shapes American politics, offering a chillingly accurate roadmap of our current reality. By the end of the book, its warnings feel eerily prophetic, especially Chapter 4, which outlines what could happen if Trump were re-elected, many of which have now come to pass with unsettling precision. I’m thankful to have read this book, and am equally disgusted that Americans once again have followed the nationalist pied piper right to the voting booth.
Read
February 5, 2025The night is dark and full of terrors and I am protecting my mental health by DNFing this at 40%. Not a commentary on the book or its subject matter, hence no rating. Just not in the right headspace to critically think about this.
October 9, 2022
Summary: A brief look at the sociology and history of Christian Nationalism in regard to how it relates to democracy.
Perry and Whitehead's Taking America Back for God was the first book I read that was explicitly about Christian Nationalism. Samuel Perry is back with Philip Gorski with a short book that updates and takes a different approach to look at Christian Nationalism. While I think Taking America Back for God is a more comprehensive sociological look at CN, The Flag and the Cross, does a better job of giving historical context to Christian Nationalism.
This is a brief book, with only four chapters covering bout 130 pages of the main content (less than five hours of audio). The book ends with a more practical chapter on avoiding a future January 6th type of event and is more practical. But just as important are the three chapters that give context. The first chapter is about why this is "our nation, not theirs". And then the third chapter is about how "Freedom, Violence, Order" is central to how Christian Nationalism thinks politically.
But I think my favorite was the second chapter on the history of Christian Nationalism's influences. This chapter has two important frames for the telling of that history. One, it focuses on the early history of the US as contextual within the European centuries-long conflict, of which the American Revolution was one small part. And second, it reminds the reader that the story of Christian Nationalism today has to account for the switch from the civil religion impulse of the mainline liberal Christian tradition to the conservative Evangelical tradition. (This is not unlike the political party realignment that was happening concurrently.) The first part of the framing reminds us that we are not the central player at all points in time in global history. The second part is a reminder to those who are currently opposing Christian Nationalism from a more progressive political position that it was, in fact, the progressives or earlier generations that were more likely historically to align with Christian National rhetoric today.
I finished this audiobook in a single day of chores and exercise. I am not new to the conversation on Christian Nationalism or how Christians use and abuse history for their own purposes. But as brief as this book was, there are essential refinements from the earlier Taking America Back for God and more nuanced views of what Christian Nationalism is. There is a helpful podcast with Paul Miller interviewing Samuel Perry on the Faith Angle Podcast. Miller is writing a critique of Christian Nationalism from a conservative political and theological perspective and as a political scientist. He is trying to frame his discussion of Christian Nationalism in ways that at least some people that Perry and Gorski will recognize themselves and agree with Miller's framing. While I think a legitimate critique of Perry's sociological work is that he is writing a descriptive sociological account that is more interested in raising awareness of the problem of Christian Nationalism and less interested in getting Christian Nationalists to self-identify with the framing. Part of this is that sociology and political science are different fields, as sociologists Gorski and Perry work in descriptive categories and tendencies toward belief and action. While Miller is working as a political scientist that wants to deal with specific ideas and individuals. These two things fit together and sharpen one another (as do bringing in historians like Randall Balmer (Bad Faith) or Anthea Butler (White Evangelical Racism) among many others.
There has also been a shift in the rhetoric around Christian Nationalism. With Marjorie Taylor Green, Al Mohler, and the Family Research Council, among many others embracing the term Christian Nationalism as an accurate, descriptive term, there is less discussion about whether this is a real category. But I also think that Miller's definition, which people like William Wolfe have said accurately describes how they see themselves, matters to limiting what is meant by the term. Perry and Whitehead, and Gorski are all talking about the racial component of Christian Nationalism, and six months ago, the common complaint was that using Christian Nationalist was just a way to say "racist" with different words. But Miller's shift of using "Anglo-Protestantism" as part of his definition keeps the reality of this being a white cultural phenomenon while lowering the temperature of the discussion in ways that I think continue to be accurate, but less combative. I have not read Miller's book yet, and I think that I will disagree with parts of it because Miller is coming from a more conservative political and theological position than I do. But I think the combination is likely helpful to bring about more accuracy to the broader discussion.
Perry and Whitehead's Taking America Back for God was the first book I read that was explicitly about Christian Nationalism. Samuel Perry is back with Philip Gorski with a short book that updates and takes a different approach to look at Christian Nationalism. While I think Taking America Back for God is a more comprehensive sociological look at CN, The Flag and the Cross, does a better job of giving historical context to Christian Nationalism.
This is a brief book, with only four chapters covering bout 130 pages of the main content (less than five hours of audio). The book ends with a more practical chapter on avoiding a future January 6th type of event and is more practical. But just as important are the three chapters that give context. The first chapter is about why this is "our nation, not theirs". And then the third chapter is about how "Freedom, Violence, Order" is central to how Christian Nationalism thinks politically.
But I think my favorite was the second chapter on the history of Christian Nationalism's influences. This chapter has two important frames for the telling of that history. One, it focuses on the early history of the US as contextual within the European centuries-long conflict, of which the American Revolution was one small part. And second, it reminds the reader that the story of Christian Nationalism today has to account for the switch from the civil religion impulse of the mainline liberal Christian tradition to the conservative Evangelical tradition. (This is not unlike the political party realignment that was happening concurrently.) The first part of the framing reminds us that we are not the central player at all points in time in global history. The second part is a reminder to those who are currently opposing Christian Nationalism from a more progressive political position that it was, in fact, the progressives or earlier generations that were more likely historically to align with Christian National rhetoric today.
I finished this audiobook in a single day of chores and exercise. I am not new to the conversation on Christian Nationalism or how Christians use and abuse history for their own purposes. But as brief as this book was, there are essential refinements from the earlier Taking America Back for God and more nuanced views of what Christian Nationalism is. There is a helpful podcast with Paul Miller interviewing Samuel Perry on the Faith Angle Podcast. Miller is writing a critique of Christian Nationalism from a conservative political and theological perspective and as a political scientist. He is trying to frame his discussion of Christian Nationalism in ways that at least some people that Perry and Gorski will recognize themselves and agree with Miller's framing. While I think a legitimate critique of Perry's sociological work is that he is writing a descriptive sociological account that is more interested in raising awareness of the problem of Christian Nationalism and less interested in getting Christian Nationalists to self-identify with the framing. Part of this is that sociology and political science are different fields, as sociologists Gorski and Perry work in descriptive categories and tendencies toward belief and action. While Miller is working as a political scientist that wants to deal with specific ideas and individuals. These two things fit together and sharpen one another (as do bringing in historians like Randall Balmer (Bad Faith) or Anthea Butler (White Evangelical Racism) among many others.
There has also been a shift in the rhetoric around Christian Nationalism. With Marjorie Taylor Green, Al Mohler, and the Family Research Council, among many others embracing the term Christian Nationalism as an accurate, descriptive term, there is less discussion about whether this is a real category. But I also think that Miller's definition, which people like William Wolfe have said accurately describes how they see themselves, matters to limiting what is meant by the term. Perry and Whitehead, and Gorski are all talking about the racial component of Christian Nationalism, and six months ago, the common complaint was that using Christian Nationalist was just a way to say "racist" with different words. But Miller's shift of using "Anglo-Protestantism" as part of his definition keeps the reality of this being a white cultural phenomenon while lowering the temperature of the discussion in ways that I think continue to be accurate, but less combative. I have not read Miller's book yet, and I think that I will disagree with parts of it because Miller is coming from a more conservative political and theological position than I do. But I think the combination is likely helpful to bring about more accuracy to the broader discussion.
July 12, 2024
This book was a very fascinating and eye opening listen.
As a lifelong white Pentecostal Evangelical Christian, I have been extremely troubled by the attitudes and behaviors of the church in the past several years. I firmly believe in the separation of church and state; I don’t want the government telling me how/who I can worship nor do I feel it’s the place of the church to tell the government how/who the nation needs to worship. The hypocrisy is extremely glaring; the Evangelical church would be outraged if the government was telling them they need to convert to another religion.
This is a nation where we are free to worship God IF WE SO CHOOSE. The Evangelical church would do well to remember this.
This book is in no way propaganda against the church; it is fact based and uses data gathered through many years of research and surveys.
As a lifelong white Pentecostal Evangelical Christian, I have been extremely troubled by the attitudes and behaviors of the church in the past several years. I firmly believe in the separation of church and state; I don’t want the government telling me how/who I can worship nor do I feel it’s the place of the church to tell the government how/who the nation needs to worship. The hypocrisy is extremely glaring; the Evangelical church would be outraged if the government was telling them they need to convert to another religion.
This is a nation where we are free to worship God IF WE SO CHOOSE. The Evangelical church would do well to remember this.
This book is in no way propaganda against the church; it is fact based and uses data gathered through many years of research and surveys.
June 24, 2022
The Flag and the Cross: White Christian Nationalism and the Threat to American Democracy by Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry
“The Flag and the Cross” is an interesting examination of what Christian nationalism is and how its “deep story” keeps getting re-told and embellished to suit those who buy into it. Authors Gorski and Perry make the compelling case that white Christian nationalism is the greatest threat to our democracy. This eye-opening 169-page book includes the following four chapters: 1.“This Is Our Nation, Not Theirs”, 2.The Spirit of 1690, 3.Freedom, Violence, Order and 4. Avoiding “The Big One”.
Positives:
1. A professionally written book. It’s focused and succinct.
2. A fascinating premise, white Christian nationalism’s threat to democracy.
3. Clearly explains upfront what this book is all about. “This book is a primer on white Christian nationalism, what it is, when it emerged, how it works, and where it’s headed.”
4. A good use of charts and graphs to complement the excellent narrative.
5. The format is very good and easy to follow. The authors address four fundamental questions pertaining to white Christian fundamentalism. “In this book, we address four fundamental questions: (1) What is white Christian nationalism? (2) When did it emerge? (3) How does it work politically? And, finally (4) Where might it be headed tomorrow?”
6. Explains the fundamental concept of the “deep story”. “America was founded as a Christian nation by (white) men who were “traditional” Christians, who based the nation’s founding documents on “Christian principles.” The United States is blessed by God, which is why it has been so successful; and the nation has a special role to play in God’s plan for humanity. But these blessings are threatened by cultural degradation from “un-American” influences both inside and outside our borders.”
7. The general principle defined. “White men must sometimes exercise righteous violence to defend (their) freedom and maintain social (and racial) order. It is freedom for “us” and authoritarian social order for “them.”
8. Explains the basic difference between patriotism and nationalism. “Patriotism is animated by love, nationalism by hatred.” “White Christian nationalism is nationalist because it rejects pluralism and what many on the right call “globalism.””
9. Myths debunked. “And these are myths: the United States was not founded by Pilgrims and Puritans. Ninety-eight percent of America’s inhabitants were not “evangelicals” at the founding. It has never been illegal to pray in public school. And the Constitution says absolutely nothing about God, the Bible, or the Ten Commandments.”
10. The authors show many correlations between white nationalists and specific issues. “Instead, the strongest connection was between white Christian nationalism and antipathy toward socialists. It is that group, not atheists or Muslims, that white Christian nationalism finds the most threatening.”
11. The spirit of 1690 explained. “In the Spirit of 1690, whiteness connotes “freedom” and “order,” but also “violence”: freedom in opposition to Black bondage; order against native “savagery,” and violence as the means of ensuring both.”
12. Find out what the “Curse Matrix” is.
13. White Christian libertarianism. “At the same time, Fifield happily supported President Eisenhower’s efforts to conjure up a Christian—and capitalist—America to fight the “Godless communism” of the Soviet Union.”
14. MAGA! The secularization of white Christian nationalism. “MAGA is a secularized and reactionary form of white Christian nationalism. Which makes Donald Trump the new John Wayne.”
15. The link between Christian values and authoritarianism. “The more that white Americans seek to institutionalize “Christian values” or the nation’s Christian identity, the more strongly they support gun-toting good guys taking on (real or imagined) gun-toting bad guys, the more frequent use of the death penalty, any-means-necessary policing, and even torture as an interrogation technique.”
16. Interesting polls. “In a poll conducted in October 2020, political scientist Paul Djupe found 73% of Americans who scored in the top 25% of our Christian nationalism scale also affirmed core tenets of the QAnon conspiracy.”
17. Preferences of white Christian nationalists. “Instead, white Christian nationalism clearly favors the Electoral College system. These findings suggest that the “populism” linked with white Christian nationalism is an authoritarian populism, one that happily exchanges democratic procedure for tribal victory.”
18. Notes included.
Negatives:
1. So good, I wanted more, much more. Many issues left on the table.
2. No formal bibliography.
3. Some of the charts were harder to follow.
In summary, this is a very good brief book that examines white Christian nationalism. The authors do a very good job of explaining why white Christian nationalism is a threat to our democracy by answering four fundamental questions and its foundation the “deep story”. Readers looking for direct answers will welcome the authors’ succinct approach. I recommend it.
Further recommendations: “One Nation Under God” by Kevin Kruse, “Founding Myth” by Andrew Seidel, “Why the Religious Right Is Wrong about Separation of Church and State” by Robert Boston, “Nonbeliever Nation” by David Niose, “The Dark Side of Christian History” by Helen Ellerbe, “Birth Control, Insurance Coverage, & the Religious Right” by A.F. Alexander, “The God Argument” by A.C. Grayling, “Freethinkers” by Susan Jacoby, “Moral Combat” by Sikivu Hutchinson, “Republican Gomorrah” by Max Blumenthal, “American Fascists” by Chris Hedges, “Doubt” by Jennifer Michael Hecht, and “Society Without God” by Phil Zuckerman.
“The Flag and the Cross” is an interesting examination of what Christian nationalism is and how its “deep story” keeps getting re-told and embellished to suit those who buy into it. Authors Gorski and Perry make the compelling case that white Christian nationalism is the greatest threat to our democracy. This eye-opening 169-page book includes the following four chapters: 1.“This Is Our Nation, Not Theirs”, 2.The Spirit of 1690, 3.Freedom, Violence, Order and 4. Avoiding “The Big One”.
Positives:
1. A professionally written book. It’s focused and succinct.
2. A fascinating premise, white Christian nationalism’s threat to democracy.
3. Clearly explains upfront what this book is all about. “This book is a primer on white Christian nationalism, what it is, when it emerged, how it works, and where it’s headed.”
4. A good use of charts and graphs to complement the excellent narrative.
5. The format is very good and easy to follow. The authors address four fundamental questions pertaining to white Christian fundamentalism. “In this book, we address four fundamental questions: (1) What is white Christian nationalism? (2) When did it emerge? (3) How does it work politically? And, finally (4) Where might it be headed tomorrow?”
6. Explains the fundamental concept of the “deep story”. “America was founded as a Christian nation by (white) men who were “traditional” Christians, who based the nation’s founding documents on “Christian principles.” The United States is blessed by God, which is why it has been so successful; and the nation has a special role to play in God’s plan for humanity. But these blessings are threatened by cultural degradation from “un-American” influences both inside and outside our borders.”
7. The general principle defined. “White men must sometimes exercise righteous violence to defend (their) freedom and maintain social (and racial) order. It is freedom for “us” and authoritarian social order for “them.”
8. Explains the basic difference between patriotism and nationalism. “Patriotism is animated by love, nationalism by hatred.” “White Christian nationalism is nationalist because it rejects pluralism and what many on the right call “globalism.””
9. Myths debunked. “And these are myths: the United States was not founded by Pilgrims and Puritans. Ninety-eight percent of America’s inhabitants were not “evangelicals” at the founding. It has never been illegal to pray in public school. And the Constitution says absolutely nothing about God, the Bible, or the Ten Commandments.”
10. The authors show many correlations between white nationalists and specific issues. “Instead, the strongest connection was between white Christian nationalism and antipathy toward socialists. It is that group, not atheists or Muslims, that white Christian nationalism finds the most threatening.”
11. The spirit of 1690 explained. “In the Spirit of 1690, whiteness connotes “freedom” and “order,” but also “violence”: freedom in opposition to Black bondage; order against native “savagery,” and violence as the means of ensuring both.”
12. Find out what the “Curse Matrix” is.
13. White Christian libertarianism. “At the same time, Fifield happily supported President Eisenhower’s efforts to conjure up a Christian—and capitalist—America to fight the “Godless communism” of the Soviet Union.”
14. MAGA! The secularization of white Christian nationalism. “MAGA is a secularized and reactionary form of white Christian nationalism. Which makes Donald Trump the new John Wayne.”
15. The link between Christian values and authoritarianism. “The more that white Americans seek to institutionalize “Christian values” or the nation’s Christian identity, the more strongly they support gun-toting good guys taking on (real or imagined) gun-toting bad guys, the more frequent use of the death penalty, any-means-necessary policing, and even torture as an interrogation technique.”
16. Interesting polls. “In a poll conducted in October 2020, political scientist Paul Djupe found 73% of Americans who scored in the top 25% of our Christian nationalism scale also affirmed core tenets of the QAnon conspiracy.”
17. Preferences of white Christian nationalists. “Instead, white Christian nationalism clearly favors the Electoral College system. These findings suggest that the “populism” linked with white Christian nationalism is an authoritarian populism, one that happily exchanges democratic procedure for tribal victory.”
18. Notes included.
Negatives:
1. So good, I wanted more, much more. Many issues left on the table.
2. No formal bibliography.
3. Some of the charts were harder to follow.
In summary, this is a very good brief book that examines white Christian nationalism. The authors do a very good job of explaining why white Christian nationalism is a threat to our democracy by answering four fundamental questions and its foundation the “deep story”. Readers looking for direct answers will welcome the authors’ succinct approach. I recommend it.
Further recommendations: “One Nation Under God” by Kevin Kruse, “Founding Myth” by Andrew Seidel, “Why the Religious Right Is Wrong about Separation of Church and State” by Robert Boston, “Nonbeliever Nation” by David Niose, “The Dark Side of Christian History” by Helen Ellerbe, “Birth Control, Insurance Coverage, & the Religious Right” by A.F. Alexander, “The God Argument” by A.C. Grayling, “Freethinkers” by Susan Jacoby, “Moral Combat” by Sikivu Hutchinson, “Republican Gomorrah” by Max Blumenthal, “American Fascists” by Chris Hedges, “Doubt” by Jennifer Michael Hecht, and “Society Without God” by Phil Zuckerman.
July 15, 2022
Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry present a sociological examination of "White Christian Nationalism" as it developed through the history of the United States, and how it has ultimately become a looming threat to American democracy. Many of what I considered the non-sequiturs of contemporary American political discourse have, in fact, centuries-old precedents and are not new threats at all. And that is what I found disconcerting.
I recommend this study to anyone who wants to honestly understand the contemporary divisiveness in contemporary American political, religious, and cultural life.
I recommend this study to anyone who wants to honestly understand the contemporary divisiveness in contemporary American political, religious, and cultural life.
January 10, 2023
OOF this was academic hahaha. It's still winter break I wasn't ready for all that!!
I think this is a very comprehensive look at white Christian nationalism that, due to its thoroughness and fascinating research, is hard to argue with. Still, I don't think it's a great starting point for this topic. It was a littttle dense (despite being so short) and required some basic knowledge of complicated topics.
I think I would've been able to process this one better on audiobook (instead of as the ebook I picked up right before bed) — but then I would've missed out on all the fascinating charts, so who knows.
I think this is a very comprehensive look at white Christian nationalism that, due to its thoroughness and fascinating research, is hard to argue with. Still, I don't think it's a great starting point for this topic. It was a littttle dense (despite being so short) and required some basic knowledge of complicated topics.
I think I would've been able to process this one better on audiobook (instead of as the ebook I picked up right before bed) — but then I would've missed out on all the fascinating charts, so who knows.
June 17, 2024
This book encourages me to really know the Constitution and its history (the introduction of God didn’t come with the Framers—it came in the 1950s), and to understand my own white nationalist upbringing by Hong Kong immigrant Mormons (so a healthy dose of leftist-hating with manifest destiny) and trying to figure out how to untangle all that from how I want to practice my faith and protect American democracy for a vocal, angry minority.
October 11, 2024
Quite the call to arms, and pretty accurate. We will have to wait and see if the American experiment survives another century.
Knocked down a star because:
Chapter 2 was weakly written and not super clear
Some of the charts were hard to read. Especially the labelling, these could have been simplified.
I'm surprised there were no charts on LGBTQ issues here, as this seems like huge factor contributing to in/out groups
Knocked down a star because:
Chapter 2 was weakly written and not super clear
Some of the charts were hard to read. Especially the labelling, these could have been simplified.
I'm surprised there were no charts on LGBTQ issues here, as this seems like huge factor contributing to in/out groups
November 10, 2022
Excellent! Though the author self-identifies as Christian, there was no Christian agenda in this book; just a description of how a resurgence of white Christian Nationalism came about and the serious damage it is causing. And how it doesn't resemble traditional Christianity or Christ's message in the least.
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