Using previously restricted materials, Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds examines one of the most influential and successful politicians of the late twentieth century, exploring Wilson's rise to power via Clement Attlee's post-war government, his relationship to Nye Bevan, whom he eventually replaced in the Shadow Cabinet, the close workings of his own inner circle, and the issues surrounding the first European Referendum. His biography considers previously overlooked aspects of Wilson's life, such as the mysterious circumstances of his voluntary resignation and legacy in social reform.
The book will offer a timely consideration of the advancement of social justice issues under Wilson's government: homosexuality was decriminalised, abortion legalised and capital punishment abolished. Wilson was able to successfully unite a fractured Labour Party and lead it to victory on two occasions, facilitating the cultural and social changes of the 'swinging sixties', balancing the liberal and conservative attitudes of his supporters.
This fascinating biography tackles Wilson's widespread reputation as a prime minister who should be remembered for political machination over constructive achievement. Instead Thomas-Symonds makes the case for Wilson as one of the twentieth century's great politicians. With considerable skill, he led his party and the country through acute economic difficulty and profound social change. With a brilliant mind, sure-footed political moves and a feel for public opinion, Wilson was a survivor who emerged from crises to defeat political opponents time and time again.
Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds FRHistS is a British academic, barrister and politician who has been Paymaster General, Minister for the Cabinet Office and Minister for the Constitution and European Union Relations since July 2024. A member of the Labour Party, he has been Member of Parliament for Torfaen since 2015.
Detailed and interesting biography of the most successful Labour leader from humble origins to the doors of number 10. Using recently released documents makes interesting reading
I’ve always been fascinated by this period of Britain’s political history as it was a little before my time, even as a child of the ‘70s. At such a young age I had no concept of politics and the shenanigans going on in the country (but I knew Harold Wilson smoked a pipe). So when I heard about Nick Thomas-Symonds’ book I saw an opportunity to fill the gaps in my knowledge. However, I should add that due to my being unfamiliar with the political history of the time, I am not in a position to comment on the author’s conclusions about Wilson’s policies etc,: I am simply reviewing the book on its merits as a biography.
Symonds has had unprecedented access to Harold Wilson’s handwritten notes, letters and various other papers which have been hitherto unavailable, which have enabled him to perform a timely reevaluation of one of the most progressive Prime Ministers the United Kingdom has ever had, dealing with issues that will resonate today - membership of the EEC, women’s rights, British involvement in conflicts overseas etc.
An academic youngster with an exemplary record of scholastic achievement, with an unwavering childhood dream to go into politics and become Prime Minister, (a prescient photo shows the young Harold outside No. 10 Downing Street) Wilson leads an almost charmed life to get to the position he is best remembered for. He was, it seems, always the “winner” of the book’s title. Even the seemingly spontaneous quips and retorts in the Commons that he became famous for were the result of determined hard work and practice, having been accused of giving stuffy and boring speeches.
Symonds recounts Wilson’s political career in riveting detail, and whilst the political jargon can get complex at times, he has an accessible style that shouldn’t put off the casual reader without a grounding in politics. Much more fluid and easier to read than I expected, but not lightweight by any means, “The Winner” is an enjoyable and informative book, but not without its faults. I frequently got the impression that the author believes Wilson could do no wrong and that any failures or shortcomings in the Wilson government were the fault of other people. At times the book borders on hagiography. The reader is left in no doubt that NT-S is a big fan, even taking into account the fact he is a Labour MP, and I think it will be a matter of personal opinion whether this impresses or grates.
Overall, NT-S does a thorough job of reassessing Harold Wilson for a new generation and giving him his due credit for the enduring societal changes he brought about; he also humanises and rediscovers Wilson for those born too late to see him in action. This was truly a different time: today it generally follows that if you lose an election, you lose the leadership, but back then it was normal for the same person to remain leader even after a defeat. If nothing else, Symonds’ book proves that, with the current Labour Party now an inept shadow of the party Harold Wilson so successfully led, we will probably never see his like again.
Much has been said - and there is much to say - about Harold Wilson. In my neck of the woods, he's a favourite son. His statue stands in St George's Square, striding purposefully from the station, his brow furrowed in concentration. It is the image of a Labour prime minister.
Others, however, see him as a political opportunist. He, according to those, was a man who was short-termist in his thinking, a manipulator of public opinion who stored up problems for others for his personal political gain.
This biography balances those opposing views. While occasionally leaning far more towards the former view than the latter, it examines Wilson's life closely and reaches clear conclusions at the not unreasonable historical distance of nearly half a century since Wilson last left Number Ten. Presented is a man of contradictions. He is neither and both. He is both a PM of superb political judgement and principle, and a man prone to errors that should have been obvious to a man of his capabilities.
What the individual reader will take from this biography perhaps depends on their political standpoint. As a Labour man, from the same area of the world as Wilson, who even goes as far as sharing a part of Wilson's name (no prizes for guessing which) while supporting the same football team, I felt a sense of closeness with him that perhaps I wouldn't for a Callaghan or a Douglas-Home. I felt I knew him and could sympathise with him even where he'd made major errors. Perhaps someone of an alternative political background would read this with very different and far more intentionally critical eyes.
Thomas-Symonds has done a very good job of the writing itself. Dense, but brisk, well-referenced and balanced, it perhaps deserves to become the leading biography of a PM who changed Britain's social outlook for the better.
This biography left me with an appreciation of the political autobiography. There is something to be said for a politician’s narcissism, where they set out in detail their legislative achievements. That is what this biography, with its relatively “objective” eye, lacks. There are somewhat accidental exceptions, such as the narrative of Britain’s entry into the European Community, but the book feels like a day-to-day catalogue of events (often crises) with limited coverage on the overall perspective. I also learnt very little about Britain during the mid 20th century.
One interesting element are the various currency crises, where the government still had direct control over the value of the pound. It also seems to drive balance of payment issues. It is worth seeing the perspective of a medium sized country trying to satisfy unlimited global demands with limited local resources.
It still does frustrate me though that major political decisions were not adequately covered. The 1966 White Paper, which has its own Wikipedia page, is limited to one paragraph. This leaves me with serious doubts we are given a proper overview of the period.
Overall, congrats to Wilson for his various successes, I certainly learnt a thing or two about the management of political parties and government, but otherwise, nothing overly exciting about this book.
Death has played an alarmingly prominent role in shaping the short, if recently expanded, list of Labour Prime Ministers. Had he lived, John Smith would almost certainly become prime minister in May 1997 and, but for an unfortunate case of lupus, it is likely that Hugh Gaitskell would have follows Alec Douglas-Home into Downing Street. Instead in 1964 the short, rather portly Harold Wilson was ushered through the famous black door.
There has been a tendency to view Harold Wilson as a chancer, a smooth talking media manipulator in an age before media manipulation. No content, but lots of unlit pipes and HP Sauce. Previous biographies, most notably Ben Pimlott's, have held that Wilson sacrificed strategy for tactics; he could win an election, but drifted in government.
Wilson was a winner, he emerged as victor from four general elections, a feat unique in the 20th Century and only matched by Gladstone in the history of the office. Yet in this Biography Nick Thomas-Symonds, who now sits in the cabinet with the improbably long job title of: Paymaster General, Minister for the Cabinet Office and Minister for the Constitution and European Union Relations, provides a timely re-evaluation of Wilson and his premiership which is altogether kinder to Labour’s most electorally successful leader.
Wilson was a child prodigy, becoming an Oxford Don at 21. In the war he served as a civil servant, organising the supply of crucial materials, including coal and lumber. Such was his talent that upon entering parliament in the Labour Landslide of 1945 he was immediately appointed to the front bench, an achievement not repeated until 2024. He rose steadily, if not spectacularly, chiefly in or shadowing economic departments including the Board of Trade, the Ministry of Works and the Treasury. He was competent, well liked and excellent at triangulation. He was of the left, but satisfactory to the right, reassuringly socialist without being scary to conservatives. In the early 1960s he regularly topped the shadow cabinet elections. In 1961 Gaitskell appointed him Shadow Foreign Secretary, a role he was enjoying when, in 1963, Gaitskell died. He contested the next five general elections as leader of the Labour Party. He won four of them. He was a winner.
The achievements of his first government (1964-70) are substantial. During those years homosexuality was decriminalised, the franchise expanded, divorce made easier, abortion legalised, corporal punishment in prisons and the death penalty were abolished, and racial discrimination outlawed across whole swathes of British life. More changes came in his second government (1974-76) with sex discrimination outlawed and further measures on race relations.
The question is to what extent Wilson can take the credit for these changes. It is true he was a fierce anti-racist yet he did not vote at all on the acts which legalised homosexuality and abortion. As Thomas-Symonds notes, Richard Crossman was convinced that Wilson was opposed to the legislation on religious grounds.
It is true that Wilson could have blocked the proposals and did not do so, more than that, he found time in the parliamentary calendar for the legislation to pass and allowed free votes. For this Thomas-Symonds gives him high praise and claims that he is due “a significant amount of the credit”. Yet is is undoubtedly the reforming zeal of men like Roy Jenkins which led to these reforms, all Wilson had to do is get out of the way.
Abroad Wilson’s greatest achievements are mostly in the negative which makes them less memorable, if none the less significant. He prevented British troops from being sent to Vietnam whilst maintaining a strong relationship with both Johnson and Nixon. Less well remembered is his refusal to commit British troops to an invasion of Southern Rhodesia after Ian Smith unlawfully declared independence in 1965. Whilst this avoided Britain starting a potentially very nasty racial war in the heart of Africa, it did allow Smith to run Rhodesia as a racist hetmanate for a decade before handing it over Robert Mugabe, who would do the same for three decades more.
On the other side of the ledger, it was under Wilson that Britain beat a humiliating retreat from East of Suez, and whilst he is rightly remembered for having the good sense to, having called a European referendum, win it, but an application to join the EEC in his first term was veto by De Gaulle, a bi-partisan accolade.
This is no hagiography, for Wilson is no saint and Thomas-Symonds is alive Wilson’s faults. He is paranoid and can be ponderous. Over devaluation he is downright indecisive. His resignation from the Attlee government was opportunistic rather than principled and he was less than honest with George Brown during the 1968 Sterling Crisis. When it comes to “the pound in your pocket” he was less than honest with the British people. Yet Thomas-Symonds is often too ready to look to bad advice or political expediency for Wilson’s shortcomings. For example, He credits the delay in devaluation to bad advice from ministers and officials.
Wilson was a skilled party manager, in 1970 he prevented the party sliding into the fratricidal chaos which followed the defeats of 1951, 1979 and 2010, and returned the party to power after a single term in opposition, a feat no other leader has achieved in post war Britain. He could be consensual in a time of increasing division. During the referendum campaign on EEC membership he suspended cabinet collective responsibility yet it did not descend into the unseemly mudslinging witnessed in 2016. Personally Wilson tempered his pro-remain sympathies in the name of party unity and winning the vote. On the night Britain voted in by 2-1.
With the passage of time we have the advantage of greater access to documents. The Thirty year rule on the opening of government archives has passed on all of Wilson’s years in government and Thomas-Symonds has been able to access previously unavailable material including an unpublished autobiography. He has used these materials to great effect meaning that he has greater knowledge of Wilson’s thinking that his predecessors had. He skillfully uses these sources to embellish and enhance what we know about Wilson, rather than to re-write his legacy.
There is however much we still don’t know. Missing here is a proper account of Marcia Williams. She crops up again and again throughout but without any sense of how she accrued so much power. Popular accounts of her almost always include a healthy dollop of unsubstantiated smut. She was often the subject of wild news speculation, during the Land Deals Affair (a somewhat innocuous scandal concerning William’s involvement in a company which had profited from land speculation and the forging of Wilson’s signature) she found herself besieged in a mews house with her sister. The maxim that is the advisor becomes the story the advisor goes did not apply in this case. By the end of Wilson's premierships she had accrued so much power that Wilson was nodding through lists of honours written by her on Lavender notepaper, enobling people he had never met.
In modern British politics the only two prime ministerial staffers who have wielded anything like as much influence are Alastair Campbell and Dominic Cummings. But Campbell’s influence was confined to the media sphere and he went when he became the story over Iraq. Cummings had if anything a wider scope, Williams, or Lady Falkender, as she later became, hardly ever concerned herself with policy. But she was less malevolent. During the Land Deals Affair she did call Wilson the ‘Kind Rat’ and threatened, in a moment of extreme stress, to “reveal all”, but she was always loyal to him and there is no suggestion she had any agenda but his. It is true that without Marcia Williams we may never have had Prime Minister Harold Wilson, it was under her guidance that he transformed from the dull, if competent and technocratic, minister to pipe smoking, kitchen cabinet, beer and sandwiches in the garden prime minister which comes down to us through history. Yet for all her considerable skills, allowing an advisor so much power, no matter how competent and loyal, is real political malfeasance on Wilson’s part.
Wilson and his governments have a complex legacy. Thomas-Symonds ranks him just below Attlee and equal with Blair in the pantheon of Labour Prime Ministers. It is true that his time in office was less transformatory than Attlee’s. The great social reforms we chiefly associate with Wilson today genuinely made Britain a better place to live. But society had already changed by 1968 when many of the most famous reforms were introduced. The government was following society, not leading it. Here, Thomas-Symonds suggests that it was circumstance and parliamentary arithmetic which prevented Wilson implementing his radical National Plan, maybe so, but Wilson’s economic measures were a series of sticking plasters over the collapse of the post war consensus. It was only a good sense of when to leave the stage which prevented him from being in power during the Winter of Discontent.
The Labour Party is often not overly enamoured with the thought of winning. It seems to relish the factional bloodletting of opposition more than it does the business of government. It is telling that its two most electorally successful prime ministers are frequently dismissed as smooth talking chancers, style over substance merchants. If Wilson had been less resolute on Vietnam he would probably have to endure the war criminal jibes too. This critique isn’t true of Blair and it isn’t true of Wilson either. Wilson’s achievements are significant and his governments even more so. But perhaps his greatest contribution to the Labour movement is that he was a winner. This biography reminds us of that.
An excellent synopsis of the political life of UK Prime Minister Harold Wilson: 1964-1970, then 1974-1976. The book is written well and is surprisingly far less dense than I was anticipating. Those unfamiliar with Britain and the Commonwealth countries may be a little lost in parts. To many, Wilson is a distant memory, but his belief in democratic socialism persists--albeit in a very different form than has been proposed today.
Wilson put through a variety of social reforms in the Sixties: decriminalizing homosexuality, legalizing abortion, beginning the Open University, ending capital punishment, keeping the UK out of the Vietnam War, and several others. His reforms were perhaps more modest than they could have been, as Wilson's primary intention was to keep his Labour party intact. This he succeeded in accomplishing, though he constantly fought to hold back the ambitions of many in his inner circle.
A superb biography of one of the most important Prime Ministers Britain has ever had.
It is a shame, as Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds points out in the introduction, that as the second of only three British labour leaders to ever win a general election, that Harold Wilson is not more celebrated by the public. Unlike Blair, whose controversies spark a debate at the mere mention of his name, or Attlee, who is venerated to the point of sainthood, Wilson is too often forgotten.
Thomas-Symonds points out that Wilson's governments introduced; the first anti-discrimination laws, durable employment protections, workplace safety regulations, equal pay for women, legalisation of same-sex relationships, and the contraceptive pill. They abolished both birching and capital punishment. On top of this, his governments transitioned the country from grammar schools to comprehensives, opened the lifelong learning centre of the Open University and kept Britain out of the disastrous Vietnam War.
Wilson is a vital part of modern Britain's inheritance, but as with any national leader, he made mistakes. Thomas-Symonds points out the reluctance of Wilson's government to devalue the pound until 1967 was a significant misstep. Other commentators have focused on the economic implications of devaluing without a long term plan to offset the short term loss of investment. Thomas-Symonds argues it was Wilson's misleading televised address and the reluctance of Wilson's cabinet to endorse an economic plan which would have angered unions, that ultimately led to his loss of power in 1970.
Thomas-Symonds also aligns very well with recent international relations literature, in highlighting Wilson's governments role as energy leaders and acquirers. His final chapters also highlight the significant impact of the demise of the Bretton-Woods system on Wilson's second government in 1974. This is not just superb biographical writing but keeps a good eye to contemporary politics and the way in which memory can be used to make persuasive arguments for the present. More than anything, Wilson's style of leadership, tactical over strategic, led him into huge successes and massive pitfalls.
There is a question at the heart of this biography that appeals to me a great deal. Is a leader who changes their mind, on the exposure to evidence contrary to their previous course of action, a good tactician or a susceptible sheep? The answer, as always, lies a little in the middle.
This was a satisfying and enjoyable read. It looses momentum a little between chapters 12 and 17, but quickly regains it when the 1974 government begins. For those interested in British politics, Labour leaders or progressive change, this is a superb read.
One would imagine that there would be a wealth, maybe even an excess, of books on the time of Harold Wilson's premiership. Yet this is one of only a few books to tackle that time period. Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds does an excellent job in guiding the reader through the challenges that faced Wilson and his insight into the effectiveness of Wilson's decisions I found very helpful in making my own appraisal of the former prime-minister. There is no doubt in my mind that Thomas-Symonds is attempting to challenge the narrative of Wilson as a short-term thinker and is trying to provide a bit of nuance to the much derided 'lavender list'.
But I am very glad that this book has been written, the writers seemingly favourable view of the subject does not taint their analysis. I think that this book goes someway to capturing not just the actions of Wilson but also capturing his character. Although I still feel that I lack the deep understand that a truly great biography can bring. I don't believe this is the author's fault, I think the author summed it up perfectly that Wilson's dementia robbed historians of the chance to spend a long time working with the former prime-minister to understand his thinking and character.
This is an excellent political biography. Written with a good exciting tempo, laden with facts and stories that bring Wilson's story to life. This books has answered many questions and enhanced my understanding of this period of time and this truly remarkable individual
Finished this book over Shabbat. A later biography of Harold Wilson. Wilson was the political hero of my parents. Aside from the achievements and the political intrigue, the successes and the failures, what comes through is the religious values that always underpinned his political values. I had never appreciated this aspect of his politics. Although he was personally a social conservative he lead multiple legal reforms that were socially progressive and laid the foundations for a Britain as a freer, more equal and less racist society. In these dark days of post liberal and post democratic politics in the Western world on the one hand, and radical progressive agenda on the other it is worth remembering the moral crusade (his own words) that motivated him throughout his career.
A thorough, workmanlike defense of Harold Wilson's accomplishments in office and a fascinating insight into the man's character. As a sitting Labour MP, the author is deeply invested in resuscitating Wilson's historical reputation (hence the title!) -- and he makes a strong case. The book's only weakness is one that it shares with other books of this type -- at a certain point, it just becomes a recitation of cabinet meeting minutes and press statements and news headlines. It can feel more like a summary of research sources that an engrossing narrative. Still, for fans of Wilson -- like myself -- this is a must-read.
I tried to read this a few times on paper but I read it so easily on Kindle that it was unbelievable. Wilson is often forgotten because of the times when he served. He was not always successful. However, in Parliamentary terms, he won 4 general elections as Prime Minister. Tony Blair managed 3 (but didn't lose any). There were bits I found illuminating. The person who comes out best from this is Mary Wilson and the person who comes out worst is probably Marcia Williams (neither can now defend themselves). Great book.
Sympathetic and interesting portrait of the Labour Party's third Prime Minister. The author delves into the economic details of Wilson's woes superbly - and his political highs, not least the substantial social reforms of the 60s under his leadership.
The only slight drawback at times is a lack of analysis of Wilson's character and his relationship with senior colleagues.
Wonderful insightful read chronicling the achievements of a much overlooked politician and the governments that enacted milestone achievements and developments that we take for granted today.
The book is pretty objective in giving voice to the who did not agree within and outside of the Labour Party.
Good biography that manages to give a concise, well-referenced, and balanced view. Would have enjoyed more detail about Marcia Williams and her influence over Wilson. Definitely leans on the sympathetic side, but don’t think that negatively influenced the depth of analysis.
Very enjoyable biography of Harold Wilson , well written and very detailed.Benefitting from a lot of new material that the previous biographies obviously did not have access to.
I find biography is an accessible way of learning some history, and this was no exception. I should probably not have been disappointed that so much was political rather than personal
First class biography. Clearly admires his subject without it being hagiography. Makes clear use of recently released source material in an exceptionally well written narrative