(NOTE: I'm stingy with stars. For me 2 stars means a good book or a B. 3 stars means a very good book or a B+. 4 stars means an outstanding book or an A {only about 5% of the books I read merit 4 stars}. 5 stars means an all time favorite or an A+ {Only one of 400 or 500 books rates this!).
The only thing I knew about Hannah Arendt before I listened to this book was that she was involved with the trial of Adolf Eichmann. Although I found many things I disagreed with about, I found her story very interesting.
Hannah Arendt was a Jewish philosopher in Germany who fled to America before World War 2 began. She is most famous for her coverage and book about the trial of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann and for her books on totalitarianism.
Ironically her writings about Eichmann were loved by “Gentiles” and hated by Jews. Her Jewish kinsman stringently reacted to her conclusion that Eichmann was not some kind of abberant monster but rather a “normal” human being who answered to no one but Adolf Hitler. Anne Heller explains: “The trouble with her books was its theory - namely, that ordinary men and women, driven not by personal hatred or by extreme ideology but merely by middle-class ambitions and an inability to empathize, voluntarily ran the machinery of the Nazi death factories, and that the victims, when pushed, would lie to themselves and comply. The book launched a pitched battle among intellectuals in the United States. It blunted Arendt’s reputation at its height and has cast a shadow on her legend ever since. (2)
Here are some quotes from the book:
Eichmann was considered the most wanted war criminal alive in the early 1960s. … Everyone agreed at the outset that Eichmann was a strangely anemic-appearing exemplar of demonic evil. A high school dropout and a failed traveling “vacuum-oil” salesman … (5)
Eichmann: “I will jump into my grave laughing, because the fact that I have the death of five million Jews on my conscience gives me extraordinary satisfaction,” was published in Life magazine and broadcast around the world before the trial began. (6)
Arendt was fifty-four years old that spring, a short, chain-smoking intellectual celebrity with an impeccable pedigree and an enormous capacity for work. Born and raised in Germany, she was the child of middle-class, assimilated German Jewish parents. She had been exquisitely well educated in German literature, literature, classical Greek, and ancient and modern philosophy by the great thinkers of the Weimar age, including her friend Karl Jaspers and the charismatic Martin Heidegger. She had recognized and escaped the Nazi peril early, fleeing first to Paris in 1933 and later to New York City … spent her leisure hours joyfully cogitating with a “tribe” of distinguished intellectual friends that included Hans Morgenthau, Hans Jonas, Paul Tillich, Lionel and Diana Trilling, Alfred Kazin, Robert Lowell, and Mary McCarthy. She had collected prizes for her books and essays ranging from a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1952 to the prestigious Lessing Prize of the Free City of Hamburg, Germany, in 1959. But she was best known and most deeply respected for her great and difficult work of political history, The Origins of Totalitarianism, published in 1951, in which she had traced the rise of the twentieth century’s two totalitarian monoliths, Nazism and Stalinism, and analyzed the motives of the men who created them and the men who willingly operated their machinery of murder, especially in Germany. (7)
Eichman’s Attorney Robert Servatius argued that Eichmann had “neither ordered nor executed” any killings or committed any other crimes under extant law. Moreover, since Eichmann had played no role in making the laws under Hitler and yet was legally obliged to follow them, he, too, must be considered by the court to be a victim. (12)
Summing up, Eichmann insisted to the court that he was “humanly but not legally” guilty. He was “humanly guilty” because his strictly technical role in transporting Jews to the death camps resulted in human beings having been killed. But that wasn’t his fault. He was legally innocent because, he said, “I had no choice but to carry out the orders I received.” (14)
“I was merely a little cog in the machinery,” Eichmann became famous for saying — a statement that has ever since seemed to cast doubt on the ability of ordinary human beings to remain morally alive in an authoritarian context. Nevertheless, he expressed both surprise and disillusionment when, a few months later, the judges did, in fact, find him guilty of all fifteen counts of the indictment, … he thought that he could get the better of the Jews in Jerusalem. (15)
He lost an appeal to the Israeli Supreme Court and was executed by hanging on
May 31, 1962.
There were three great points of controversy that divided readers of the book, as well as many lesser provocations. For the audience of The New Yorker and the general reader, the most shocking element was Arendt’s persistent, often sarcastic depiction of Eichmann as a joker or a fool, a stammering, sniffling embodiment of “the banality of evil.” “Despite all the efforts of the prosecution,” she wrote in her opening pages, “everybody could see that this man was not a ‘monster,’ but it was difficult indeed not to suspect that he was a clown.” She pictured him as goofy, vain, “elated” by repetitive clichés, a “joiner,” comically ambitious, and, most notoriously, “thoughtless”— that is, unable to imagine events from anyone else’s point of view. Neither innately cruel nor an ideological villain he was something more disturbing: a person capable of sustained evil action without attendant passion, conviction, concern for others, or remorse. He had no depth, she thought. “Except for an extraordinary diligence in looking out for his personal advancement, he had no motives at all,” she wrote in an oft-quoted postscript to the book. “And this diligence in itself was in no way criminal,” she added; “he certainly would never have murdered his superior in order to inherit his post. He merely, to put the matter colloquially, never realized what he was doing.” …
If her rhetoric was regrettable … her point was, at the time — the early 1960s — strikingly new and profoundly jarring. That a formerly law-abiding member of the middle class whom not only Arendt and other spectators but also a panel of court-appointed psychiatrists had characterized as “normal”— that is, not a born sociopath or a pervert — could be enlisted to participate in mass “administrative murder,” or genocide, was far more frightening to Arendt and to her non-Jewish readers than all the monsters of the deep. …
She distilled her reflections on the living Eichmann into theory with the subtitle A Report on the Banality of Evil. She came to rue the phrase, … “What did I mean by it?” she later asked. What she didn’t mean, she insisted, was that evil itself is commonplace. She didn’t mean that the Nazi murder machine or its power-driven masterminds, Hitler, Goebbels, and Göring, were ordinary. Still, she had changed her mind about the nature of evil. By the banality of evil, “I meant that evil is not radical . . . that it has no depth,” she told Look magazine .. She continued: ‘Evil is a surface phenomenon.’ … In a lecture a month later, she elaborated with a startling analogy. The “hair-raising superficiality” of evil as displayed by Eichmann suggests that evil is infectious. “It can spread over the whole world like a fungus and lay waste precisely because it is not rooted anywhere,” she declared to an auditorium packed with students and professors at the University of Chicago.
But mostly she intended the phrase to mark Eichmann as a specimen of the new “mass man,” a universal, postindustrial, semi-Marxian type who was characteristically lonely, rootless, socially adrift, economically expendable, and susceptible to both nihilism and authoritarianism. … her reflections the defendant became a theory.” (17)
Just about anyone — would willingly inflict excruciating pain on their fellows if told by an authority figure that doing so was for the greater good. Together, Eichmann in Jerusalem and Milgram’s results sent a disturbing message: There is a little Eichmann in all of us. This was explicitly not Arendt’s premise, but it stuck. To this day, it remains among the most discouraging of commonly held yet sourceless “scientific” truisms. (18)
The book’s second controversy was over her derisive references to the government of Israel, encapsulated in snide remarks about David Ben-Gurion and Gideon Hausner and in an unwelcome comparison of Israel’s religious prohibition against Jewish intermarriage with the Nazi laws banning sexual contact and marriage between Jews and Germans; that Israel did not have a written constitution, she acidly observed, could be explained, in part, by a reluctance to spell out such a racially biased law in a national civic document. Criticism of Israel, then as now, was considered dangerous and disloyal.
Arendt had been a dedicated and hardworking Zionist activist in the 1930s and 1940s. In 1948, however, she had spoken out against Israel’s founding as a strictly Jewish state, warning of institutional injustice, militarism, and dependency on foreign powers as the probable price of excluding Arabs from citizenship in a negotiated binational state. Her Jewish friends were grumpily familiar with her renegade views on Israel. What surprised and galled them and Jewish advocacy groups was Eichmann in Jerusalem’s handling of a more deeply buried and far more sensitive issue: the role of Jews themselves in the implementation of the Final Solution. That she discussed this issue openly and pejoratively … many could not forgive, even to this day. (19)
Arendt concluded that Eichmann did have a conscience, a relatively normal one that operated during most of his life but that went on functioning for only a few weeks after the Final Solution became official Nazi policy in 1942. And why did his conscience stop working after a few weeks? The Nazi “specialist in Jewish affairs” claimed that no one, “no one at all,” had protested the policy or refused to cooperate with it, including local Jewish leaders, whom he had carefully organized into Nazi-approved leadership councils called Judenräte. (20)
In Amsterdam as in Warsaw, in Berlin as in Budapest, Jewish officials could be trusted to compile the lists of persons and of their property, to secure money from the deportees to defray the expenses of their deportation and extermination, to keep track of vacated apartments, to supply police forces to help seize Jews and get them on trains, until, as a last gesture, they handed over the assets of the Jewish community in good order for final confiscation. In the magazine and in the original edition of the book — but not in later editions — she added, quoting damning material from a secondary source: They distributed the Yellow Star badges, and sometimes, as in Warsaw, “the sale of the armbands became a regular business; there were ordinary armbands of cloth and fancy plastic armbands which were washable.” In the Nazi-inspired, but not Nazi-dictated, manifestoes they issued, we still can sense how they enjoyed their new power —“The Central Jewish Council has been granted the right of absolute disposal over all Jewish spiritual and material wealth and over all Jewish manpower”— (20)
One can almost sense how Arendt enjoyed her fury while writing this remarkably uncharitable passage. She concluded: Wherever Jews lived there were recognized Jewish leaders, and this leadership, almost without exception, cooperated in one way or another, for one reason or another, with the Nazis. The whole truth was that if the Jewish people had really been unorganized and leaderless, there would have been chaos and plenty of misery but the total number of victims would hardly have been between four and a half and six million people.
“To a Jew,” she wrote in another famous passage, “this role of the Jewish leaders in the destruction of their own people is undoubtedly the darkest chapter of the whole dark story.” Hardly, remarked her critics, who were many. (21)
To many of her friends, admirers, and allies, Arendt … had simply delivered a brutal insult to the Jewish people. She had openly blamed the educated Jews of Europe for aiding in the overwhelming devastation while seeming to let the awful avatar of evil, Adolf Eichmann, off the hook.
This was not literally so. Arendt, like the panel of judges in Jerusalem, affirmed that Eichmann was guilty of genocide and must be put to death. But her reasoning was so consciously based on universal principles and so little on anger that, paradoxically, it almost missed its mark. (22)
In politics obedience and support are the same,” she wrote), she addressed Eichmann directly: “And just as you supported and carried out a policy of not wanting to share the earth with the Jewish people and the people of a number of other nations — as though you and your superiors had any right to determine who should and who should not inhabit the world — we find that no one, that is, no member of the human race, can be expected to want to share the earth with you. That is the reason, and the only reason, you must hang.” (22)
Non-Jews liked the book and Jews hated it. (26)
At age forty, she converted to Christianity. (57). (But continued with numerous "affairs" and husbands.
Beginning in 1944, she published a group of essays in which she first sought the origins of totalitarianism. She rejected the notion that the Nazis exemplify an especially vicious modern form of universal anti-Semitism. The problem was the modern European nation-state, which from its beginnings had excluded from full citizenship all but a specific kind of human being - German, French, Slav. By extension, it had created marginalized minority populations in ever nation. (82)
The Origins of Totalitarianism remains the most passionate, complex, moving, and influential account ever written of the clash between civilization and official barbarism in twentieth-century Europe.
In intellectual circles, the book made Arendt an icon almost overnight. Requests to teach and lecture poured in from Princeton and the University of Chicago, Berkeley, Harvard, and the New School. (93)
Hannah Arendt died of a heart attack on Dec. 4, 1975. (110)