Book: How Rome Fell: Death of a Superpower
Author: Adrian Goldsworthy
Publisher: Yale Univ Pr (28 September 2010)
Language: English
Paperback: 531 pages
Item Weight: 794 g
Dimensions: 15.24 x 3.81 x 23.75 cm
Price: 2110/-
`The decline of Rome was the natural and inevitable effect of immoderate greatness. Prosperity repined the principle of decay; the causes of destruction multiplied with the extent of conquest; and as soon as time or accident had removed the artificial supports, the stupendous fabric yielded to the pressure of its own weight. The story of its ruin is simple and obvious; and instead of inquiring why the Roman empire was destroyed, we should rather be surprised that it lasted so long.' - Edward Gibbon
This 560 page book is unerringly what a classic looks like – economy of words, incorporation of psychoanalysis and thoughts, each and every chapter vigilantly carved out, leading to a commonsensical and very very reasonable conclusion.
The author has divided the book in three sections, chronologically leading to a crescendo.
Part One entitled, ‘Crisis? The Third Century’ has the following chapters:
1. The Kingdom of Gold
2. The Secret of Empire
3. Imperial Women
4. King of Kings
5. Barbarians
6. The Queen and the `Necessary' Emperor
7. Crisis
Part Two entitled, ‘Recovery? The Fourth Century’ has the subsequent chapters:
8. The Four - Diocletian and the Tetrarchy
9. The Christian
10. Rivals
11. Enemies
12. The Pagan
13. Goths
14. East and West
Part Three entitled, ‘Fall? The Fifth and Sixth Centuries’, has the following chapters:
15. Barbarians and Romans: Generals and Rebels
16. The Sister and the Eternal City
17. The Hun
18. Sunset on an Outpost of Empire
19. Emperors, Kings and Warlords
20. West and East
21. Rise and Fall
Let’s start from the end.
The author says: ‘The Roman Empire continued for a very long time. Successive blows knocked away sections of it, as attackers uncovered its weaknesses.
Yet at times the empire could still be fearsome and did not simply collapse. Perhaps we should imagine the Late Roman Empire as a retired athlete, whose body has declined from neglect and an unhealthy lifestyle. At times the muscles will still function well and with the memory of previous skill and training.
Yet, as the neglect continues, the body becomes less and less capable of resisting disease or recovering from injury. Over the years the person would grow weaker and weaker, and in the end could easily succumb to disease. Long decline was the fate of the Roman Empire.
In the end, it may well have been ‘murdered’ by barbarian invaders, but these struck at a body made vulnerable by prolonged decay…’
When we think of the fall of Rome, we picture the forceful and celebrated Empire at its peak falling to hordes of Barbarians. But like any decline, it was a comprehensive and extended procedure, with many stops and starts along the way. In actual fact, when one speaks of Rome falling, one does not have a precise date to focus his attention on.
A key date, in any case from a representative viewpoint, is 476 AD.
In that year, Odoacer toppled the last Emperor of Western Rome, a so-called “barbarian” general. This is a good place to terminate the narrative since there would never again be a Roman Emperor in Rome.
However, that was not in reality the conclusion of the Empire.
Well before the city of Rome was conquered, the Empire had cracked into two. For years Empire had been wracked by civil wars, rebellions, and all sorts of strife. The events of the 3rd Century in Roman History are often named the “calamity of the third century.”
Empires kept rising and facing brutal death, and out-of-control inflation caused a harsh fiscal catastrophe.
The ruling elites split it into two in 284, giving the Western Empire to Diocletian and the Eastern Empire to Constantine the Great. Constantinople and the Eastern Empire outlasted the Western Roman Empire by almost 1000 years. Therefore, one could make a sensibly persuasive case that the Roman Empire in the larger sense only fell in 1453 when Mehmed the Conqueror took Constantinople and made it the capital of the Ottoman Empire.
A major part of this book throws light on the fall of the Western Roman Empire and the city of Rome. Several dilemmas eroded the composition of the Roman Empire in its later years. Perhaps the best known, and perhaps the most noteworthy, was the invasion of the territory of the Empire by tribes which the Romans called “barbarians.”
When we think of barbarians, we envisage savage fighters in loin clothes covered in paint. Some tribes the Romans called by that name fit that description! However, in this milieu, the word means someone who speaks a foreign language. The Greeks used it to portray people who didn’t speak their language, and accordingly the words sounded like gabble to them.
The foremost groups of barbarians which troubled the Western Roman Empire were Germanic tribes.
The Romans had fought against tribes in that region for generations to enlarge their border north and eastward. However, after a devastating loss in the Battle of Teutoburg Forest, the great Emperor Augustus determined that it was time to stop trying to get bigger and create a border between Rome and the barbarians, centering on the Rhine, the area’s major river.
Over time, the groups began to pass through that frontier and settle on Roman territory. Sometimes, they did so against the wishes of the Imperial government – and other times, with its blessing.
One might conjecture why the Romans could not keep the barbarian tribes out, considering all of their might. However, it was not that simple.
The author shows that, borders are thought of as a point where one country begins, and another ends, but that is not how the Roman Empire – or any other Imperial structure at that time – was built. Instead, the tribes and political systems had been around the border area for generations.
Most of their leaders were client kings who paid tribute to Rome frequently and were considered friends of Rome. What changed is not so much that they entered the territory but rather that Emperor had lost control over them.
Hence, the decisive query is, why did Rome lose power over those tribes?
There were powers at play further than those of even the mightiest Emperor, such as the earth’s climate. The author shows that climate change had begun to push more than a few groups away from the steppes of central Asia eastward, most particularly a nomadic group called the Huns.
The barbarians began to journey further inland into the Empire at a time known as the Great Migration. The Huns movement towards Eastern Europe terrorized the locals, forcing many to wander into the Roman Empire. There were just too many people for the Romans to prevent.
To make matters more multifaceted, some of these tribes had been allies of Rome and were only asking for a secure place to call home. In some cases, the Emperors felt indebted to help.
Besides, the Empire was in no shape to deal with a new predicament as it had run into some ruthless economic mess. Rome had overextended and was spending far too much money on military campaigns and the administration of insubordinate provinces. That meant they could no longer expand as they once did.
The answer? Tax the populace.
Roman taxes became so officious and overbearing that, farmers sank into dearth and Roman elites tried to flee and conceal their property from the tax man. Also, to keep their Empire in order, the Romans granted citizenship to loads of migrants and those in areas they ccupied.
While it was great for those people, the policy caused a stern trouble by lowering the ready supply of slaves that had fed economic augmentation for generations.
As we know from more recent history, nothing fuels economic growth more than free and ill-treated labour. However, with this policy, Rome could not inflate and could not overpower the people it had conquered because they were citizens. Therefore, it began to experience a grim labour deficiency.
This predicament was increased by the barbarian tribes running rampant in the former territories of the Empire.
In 428, a tribe called the Vandals – formerly from southern Poland – took over the North African provinces. This was a historic blow to the economy and configuration of the Empire. To make matters worse, they adopted piracy and began to prey on the Roman trade routes in the Mediterranean.
As more and more tribes made their homes within the Empire, the centralized authority of Rome had more intricacy collecting taxes and fighting them off. Instead, some of these tribes ruled large areas, taxing them themselves. They often were aided by a limited aristocracy that was pleased to have an opportunity to shake off Roman domination and the elevated taxes that came with it.
As the tribes gained power within the Empire’s territory, they sacked and looted its wealthiest cities. One of the most dramatic symptoms of this crisis was the renowned sack of Rome.
The Gauls had already laid siege to the city in 387 BC, but that was before it had become a massive power.
It must have been an unlimited surprise to Rome’s people when Alaric and the Visigoths entered the sanctified city; they were familiarized with seeing themselves as the seat of world power.
Still, if you one conceives a colossal destruction and slaughter, he’s mistaken. Alaric and his followers had immense admiration for Rome and no craving to annihilate a civilization they considered superior to their own. All they were after was wealth.
Alaric also wanted to use the capture of the city as leverage over the Emperor. He hoped to receive a large and dangerous donation of land for his Visigoth tribe in exchange for leaving the city. The barbarians left Rome and allowed power to recommence, but it was a wake-up call to the thinning capabilities of the once-mighty Empire.
When the last Emperor died in 476 and Rome was annexed to the barbarian government Kingdom of Italy, it was almost anti-climactic.
Rome had been a despondent remnant state for quite some time by then. The city of Rome had fallen, and the Empire it had sustained was gone. But the concept of the Roman Empire endured.
The author shows that it did so in quite a few forms. The Eastern Roman Empire, which we call Byzantium, continued to refer to its leaders as Roman Emperors. And indeed, as they built on a state established by Constantine the Great, they were heirs to its power.
Besides, future leaders in other parts of the world, such as Charlemagne and Peter the Great, claimed power derived from the Roman Emperors.
The Church in Rome grew in standing over the years and continued to claim much of the esteem and influence of the Empire that once governed the city. The Catholic Church wielded that influence globally, becoming a significant player throughout the world in areas as far afield as sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, stretching over territory a Roman Emperor could only dream of.
The book ends with this note – kindly follow this intimately, dear reader –
‘In the meantime, something unexpected by either Rome or Persia had occurred to the south. A merchant named Muhammad from the Arab trading town of Mecca preached a new religion and united the Arab tribes. He taught that there was only one God - not a Trinity of complex definition as the Christians had claimed and argued over.
Jesus was revered as a prophet, one in a succession that culminated in Muhammad, the greatest of them all. Muhammad died in 632, but his followers swept on to success after success. Both Persia and Rome had exhausted their strength in their long conflicts with each other. Sassanid Persia was the first to fall, collapsing in just a few years. Then in 636 the Arabs won an overwhelming victory over the Romans near the River Yarmuk.
They soon took Palestine, Syria and, not long afterwards, Egypt itself. Later their armies would sweep across North Africa and overwhelm the Roman provinces there.
How the Arabs united and achieved such incredible conquests is a fascinating story, but it is too long a tale to tell here. By the end of the seventh century the Eastern Empire survived, as it would do until the fifteenth century, but it was a minuscule rump even of the territories ruled by Justinian.
The superpower had died centuries before his day.
By the time of the Arab conquests the shape of medieval Europe was still developing. Society there lacked the comforts common in the centuries of Roman rule.
It was also less sophisticated, with low levels of literacy and patterns of trade far reduced in distance and quantity from the height of the empire. By comparison the Muslim world preserved far more aspects of Greco-Roman civilisation, to which the Arabs would add ideas and refinements of their own.
In part this was because their heartland lay in regions that had known civilisation long before the arrival of the Greeks and Romans.
Both the Islamic world, and in time the `barbarians' of the west, would develop further, rediscovering old ideas or inventing new ones. Marcus Aurelius understood that the world was always changing, but by the seventh century it is doubtful that he would have seen much that was familiar in the lands that had once been his empire….’
Most recommended for history aficionados.