this was super interesting and i learnt alot. it was very cool to hear from someone who actually experience all of this first-hand. also i saw alot of interpretivist-style stuff (meaning in pols course vibes) as well as ext his/eng (power of narrative, historiography, etc.). however i did find it quite repetitive so it became a bit of a slog towards the end.
regardless, i have bookmarked alot of pages with stuff i want to write down and remember. i will probably try to summarise/paraphrase some of it plus add my own thoughts throughout. if there is a quote but no person cited assume it is Boochani.
- the way language is used throughout the book and how it self-reflexive about it eg. 'Manus prison' (bc it really is a prison -> deprivation of liberty, the whole construct of time as a means of torture thing, actual torture - starvation, abuse or otherwise, solitary confinement etc.). another example is 'kyriarchy' which is a neologism because Boochani's work was translated from Kurdish. it refers to 'interlocking systems of oppression' and allows us to connect the prison with Autsralian colonial history, as well as racism, heteronormativity, class-based violence, militarism, xenophobia, etc. etc.
- Anne McNevin (p82) talks about how Boochani uses the literary/poetic form and narrative to resist the 'epistemic violence' created/perpetuated by the carceral system. She references Boochani's protest by climbing a tree in 2016 and how the language used to report the 'incident' basically made him out to be a crazy person (namely the bureaucrat).
- the 'Duck man' (Mansour Shoushtari is an animal rights activists and feeds the dogs, crabs, etc.) and how his 'very being conflict with the prison in fundamental ways' (p83)
- 'Facts can be overwhelming, compiled in order to document the real by virtue 0f scale and repetition. But accumulated facts also banalize their onstituent parts: irrevocable loss, for instance, or a man's depth of feeling for a creature whith whom he shares sa form of displacement. In fiction and in stories, paradoxically, the real becomes visible more precisely for what it is.' -Nevin, p84
- '[t]ime is unlike any other capital. [...] [n]o matter how rich we are or what cultural capital we accumulate, we can never, ever re-accumulate time Exile in Manus Island, like immigration detention globally, is life theft.' -p88, Victoria Canning
- re the 23-day protest where 600 refugees refused to transfer to the new camps in November 2017. (a cool detail: no one could get mad at anyone for leaving the protest, and instead had to thank them for the time they could give up). anyway this is particularly significant given that in political discourse refugees are quite passive actors - they had to leave because war, etc. was something done to them, this new rule where they had to leave the camps was again something done to them. so the protest was important because 'the refugees have been able to reconfigure the images of themselves as passive actors and weak subjects into active agents and fierce resistors.' -p119
- p143-44 highlights the importance of hearing actual stories behind the statistics. important to humanise refugees and also not treat them as a homogenous group. i think this is key to garnering public support (because personally i found it very powerful).
- THE BORDER-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX. so i am just going to SOC explain this. Divardar and Ghadiri characterise this as a complex web of 'private corporations, contracts and governments.' basically these entities profit off the refugees' detention (eg. security companies are hired to patrol the camp, run the camp, etc.). thousands of people are employed, including Nauruan people. but, the companies that operate this prison, and the Aus gov, literally rely on tensions between the communities to maintain control. The companies misrepresent the refugees as people who threaten the livelihoods of Nauru and its people, while the Aus gov (alongside conservative media outlets) do the same to the Australian people (think Dutton in question time: these criminals, these terrorists, etc.). detention centre workers assume all Naurauns are lazy and uneducated while the Naurans resent the colonial attitudes of Australians towards them. note that this has very practical effects eg. violence between these communities. also when i was googling the 'industrial complex' note that these businesses being incorporated in political processes for profit often have some sort of goal, but profit when that goal is not reached. so obviously the 'goal' of detention on Manus Island/Nauru is to deter refugees from entering Australia, but these businesses profit when refugees continue to come and are deported to these places. anyways i thought this was really interesting. i should learn more about it.
- on p187 Mahnaz Alimardanian makes a really good point about including people from Papua New Guinea's perspectives (ie Indigenous perspectives) in activist spaces like rallies. he highlights clear commonalities between the groups.
- link between 'anxieties'/xenophobia and the oppression of vulnerable groups. see p225: 'Under an instrumentalist and financially competitive global order, governed by a structure of rationality in which human beings are accorded worth merely according to their ascribed market (dollar) value, the refugee, along with other marginalised groups, is increasingly narrated as criminal threat, or looming burden of debt, or both. [...] The criminal (and here, by extension, the refugee) thus becomes a "strange attractor for displaced anxieties around the brutality of the neoliberal economy"'
- consider how the Manus Prison system tried to establish an environment of 'competition and hate' and quash collective resistance (eg. food queues, etc.) and seemed to fail. now consider how people responded in the pandemic. see p226.
- 'Learning about this struggle [for survival] educates us on how we should restrain from talking about or for refugees, and instead speak with them and finding creative and practical ways to support them' -Arianna Grasso, p241
- the fact that this whole thing is actually incredibly racist (kind of embarrassing that this was not obvious to me). Boochani argues it is an extension of the White Australia' policy (which only ended in 1958). see p246 for more.
- ALSO! almost forgot. everything about Scott Morrison and Peter Dutton. the fact that Scomo actually visited the prison, met with refugee reps and literally told them to go back to their homeland. the riots that ensued as well as spike in self-harm (even the guards agreed that what he did was stupid). then the genuine fear felt across the community that Boochani describes when he became PM.