Jeanna Smialek’s Limitless neatly sums up both her employer the New York Times’ journalistic practice and all that is wrong with the broken legacy press. Smialek herself may be a young reporter, but her timidly detached prose reads remarkably like something from another time. As a work of reporting, this 400-page book offers nothing new beyond all the author’s many articles already published in the New York Times and cited here. Its economic commentary is banal, weakly and hesitantly presented so as to make no real argument at all, other than that the “Fed has fundamentally changed” over the years, an ongoing process which “came fully to bear in 2020” during the pandemic.
The point of her book seems even more to be just that the U.S. economic power players are “ordinary people” who are “uncommonly interesting”—backed up with glitz and glamour and “gossipy” details the author appears to sheepishly revel in, though interpolated into the narrative at the most awkward, even inappropriate moments. So for instance in the chapter (7, “March Madness”) that takes us into the thick of the early days of the coronavirus tragedy, we dart between a ticktock of momentous life-and-death events and sumptuous details about the fabulous lives of Jay Powell and Steven Mnuchin. In grand Times style, the front-and-center colorful details—the multi-million-dollar mansions, the fancypants social clubs belonged to, the Ivy League pedigrees, the movies one’s wife makes, the car one drives—presumably are meant to bring the narrative to life and characterize the players as “real” human beings. The author might claim, on the contrary, that these details are meant to show how out of touch with normal Americans these elite officials are. However, the timing is just off then, plus they are always presented glib and starry-eyed, approvingly, in the typical statusy Times style that caters to their rich, elite readership.
A main focus is indeed on the U.S. government’s coronavirus response, led by Jerome Powell—appointed by Donald Trump—at the Fed and Steven Mnuchin, Donald Trump’s Treasury secretary. One might expect some intelligent analysis, then, about how this all fits into the charged political context, about the singular and unignorable devastating fact of the past decade: the corrupt, mendacious presidency of Donald Trump and his deterioration of democratic norms. Yet, unbelievably, Donald Trump is a gigantic absence in this book, merely mentioned in passing—the Footnote President, in Smialek’s treatment. Trump just lurks in the background, conspicuously silenced in the narrative so that the dutifully “nonpartisan” Times reporter can avoid taking any political stance. For all Smialek’s frequent distinction between the “elected” (the legislative branch, credulously taking for granted it operates functionally democratically in the U.S., despite proof to the contrary) and the “unelected” (the Fed; bureaucrats), it is quite stunning how she willfully silences the (electoral-college-)elected Donald Trump’s role in politicizing the effects of a health tragedy and his role, or anti-role, in the federal government’s response. Instead, Steven Mnuchin is unproblematically presented as standing in for Trump, acting on his own volition as if he had been elected President Mnuchin by the American people. If indeed Mnuchin, and not Trump, was responsible for the administration’s response, that signals democratic dysfunction of the highest order and would have merited an entire book itself. In a world where the U.S. president was negligently, homicidally absent in an historic moment demanding leadership, engaged journalists contextualized this inadmissible fact, rather than slinkingly reacting to it, thus normalizing it.
To spectacular effect, Smialek implicitly describes a political system that is unrecognizable to any reasonable person living on planet Earth today. Most notable is her appallingly normalized depiction of the Republican Party, which she goes to great lengths to protect in inimitable New York Times style—most significantly in her silencing of Trump-as-President, but also in how every issue is framed via both-sidesing. The Republican Party Smialek describes here is one of wishful thinking, not one that is openly, explicitly adopting anti-democratic positions, suppressing the vote, and denying objective truths, but instead merely one player in a political game opposed on equal terms to all the other political factions. And so, also true to Times style, Smialek naively accepts Republicans’ words at face value, quoting propagandistic lies as one side of the story as if politicians’ stated intentions were always sincere. Her uncritical parroting of obviously biased political maneuvering by Steven Mnuchin, Mitch McConnell, Pat Toomey, and Randal Quarles are particularly embarrassing. Where she’s not credulously quoting Republican propaganda, she even goes as far as to invent a non-existent “moderate” right wing that supports Black Lives and sensible climate legislation.
Smialek has applied so fully the supposed “professional” norms of “objective,” “neutral,” “apolitical” modern U.S. journalism that she has successfully created a caricature of its irrelevance. This is where American journalism is in 2023: So careful are “reporters” to remove themselves from the story in the name of “objectivity” that they actually *distort* reality. The media critic Jay Rosen talks about “refuge seeking” rather than “truth seeking”—a concept indispensable for understanding press practices today. Rather than seeking the/a truth, reporters do all they can to seek refuge against any sort of criticism, merely acting as stenographer-conduits intermediating between the discourse of equal factions in the world. Refuge seeking has always been terrible journalistic practice, but our new anti-democratic and anti-truth age has now revealed this type of reporting for the dangerous anti-journalism it is. By seeking refuge against political criticism, now they’ve adopted the stance of being the most naive, most gullible people on the planet who can’t state the most basic observable facts for fear of criticism—thereby only opening themselves up to even worse criticism (such as this review).
The problem is not that Smialek is writing as a Republican or a Republican sympathizer; if she had just written a conservative book, then that would be that. The situation here is worse: It is that this reporter apparently actually believes that she is a disinterested, objective observer. Beyond outdated, the “viewless” newsgathering model is also at odds with inclusive hiring practices which take for granted that people with diverse backgrounds are valuable to an organization precisely because they may bring a unique way of seeing the world, informed by their own positionality. Trying to speak for everyone, you speak for no one. Credibility as a journalist comes from acknowledging your own positionality, not from denying it.
For an institution devoted to documenting the changing world, the New York Times remains hopelessly attached to the past, to its broken “objective” model that, in continuity, has never served it well; see, e.g., moral abandonment in covering Nazi atrocities, homophobia during the HIV/AIDS crisis, cheerleading the Iraq War, now its transphobic “just asking questions” front-page howlers, etc.—in other words, the New York Times always follows the consensus of the age, rather than leading morally. Jeanna Smialek’s book is an exemplar of the failed conventions of a legacy Establishment press which unjustifiably still wields enormous power and influence all over the world—even as these retrograde institutions and the individuals who make them up prove themselves to be ever more intellectually and morally irrelevant.
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The full arsenal of antiquated journalism practices inculcated by Smialek’s employer is on display in Limitless: A focus on boring insidery details that matter to no one outside of the political press. An obsession with wealth and status, name-checking all the “very best” universities. Condescending to readers, assuming that they were born yesterday and have no knowledge of the most basic details about the world, nor any memory and therefore in need of constant reminders about the simplest Googleable facts. An all-encompassing binary epistemology that views everything through the lens of Left-Right politics (the brilliant social critic New York Times Pitchbot mocks this to hilarious effect in equating wine trends with “bad news for Joe Biden”)—particularly damaging to any attempt at astute economic analysis, because rather than intelligently analyzing macroeconomics the author inevitably reduces everything to the political binary. The reporting of people’s words without considering whether they are sincere, true or not—because words-said are the one truly knowable thing in the world, which is why the reactive legacy press really only reports “what people are saying” rather than actual news.
The author uncritically misuses and abuses journalese metaphors with no meaning at all: “shock waves that ricocheted through society”; “sent markets into a tailspin”; “stock indexes had closed in disarray”; “a public relations land mine”; “coax growth back from the abyss”; “animosity that had brimmed to the point of overflowing”; “things started to get messy”; “the beating heart of that debate”; “ripple of shock rushed through the Fed’s ranks”; the ever present “optics,” a vile journalese-ism that may more accurately mean “the way things appear to the journalists reporting them.”
A few closer readings follow.
Chapter 1
>>>On choosing Jerome Powell over Janet Yellen as Fed chair: “Whether Yellen’s appearance really weighed heavily on the president’s mind is hard to know. It is more clearly the case that Trump liked Yellen but felt from the outset that it would be better to have his own person in the job.”
In one sentence what Trump thought of Yellen is “hard to know” and then in the next Smialek tells us “clearly” what Trump thought—an absurdist analysis: here are the things we can’t know; here are the things we can. The opinion she settles on could only have been made by an individual who did not pay attention to the thousands of sexist and childish remarks or decisions made by Trump over the years. Instead, any observant person might assume that Yellen’s appearance and gender were precisely what swayed Trump.
Chapter 6
>>>“But lawmakers were struggling to reach standard agreements to keep the government funded, let alone pass meaningful legislation.”
The reason this occurred was due to Republican obstructionism. It’s presented as the journalist cliché of gridlock, ignoring that “gridlock” usually means minority rule by obstructionist Republicans.
>>>“Financial regulation was inherently somewhat partisan. Democrats would want to rein in banks to protect the little guy and squeeze financiers. Republicans would want to free them of their shackles so that they could pursue profits and fuel growth.”
Regulation is “somewhat” partisan? Then the author breathlessly repeats the caricatural views of what “each side” is. Republicans are for growth! Democrats are against it! This cliché could’ve been generated by AI.
>>>There’s quite a classic Times-y set piece in this chapter to profile Randal Quarles, who the author evidently admires and whose words she repeats uncritically, e.g., “arguing for regulation that was exactly strict enough, without being too strict”—now who wouldn’t agree with that!? In this passage we hear words (usually approvingly) like Columbia, Yale, Hamptons, Manhattan high life, exclusive ski resort, luxury hotel, swank hotel, etc.
>>>“While both men and women sometimes took heat for ambition, Brainard also faced overt sexism.”
Here the author both-sides sexism! Sexism exists and it is bad for women; sexism against men is not a thing, by definition. This ridiculous example shows how reflexively the author hedges and how unbold, unassertive the rhetoric is. In the framework of refuge-seeking, a concrete question to ask is: Who exactly are the people she is seeking refuge from who would criticize her for saying simply “this woman was the victim of sexism”? Actually in this chapter and others, the author several times questionably characterizes women and irrelevantly brings up wives, such as a tasteless “gossipy addition” tacked on right in the middle of the Covid tragedy (in Chapter 7).
>>>“To one side sat a near-libertarian lawyer who felt that a central bank should have stark limitations in a democratic and capitalistic society, and to the other a Democrat-aligned economist who thought the Fed had a responsibility to use policy more expansively to safeguard finance and support the economy. Powell existed in the space between.”
I read this now literal both-sidesing as clownish caricature, at odds with a nuanced critical analysis.
Chapter 7
>>>“It was not clear that elected politicians were going to respond quickly to the unfolding [coronavirus] crisis.”
Trump is just mentioned here in passing about a Tweet about his border wall, as if he were not the one single person who could have acted decisively on the coronavirus at each point. Instead, the blame falls on “elected politicians,” which assumes “both sides” and again, incredibly, removes all responsibility from Donald Trump.
>>>“A debt-wary and divided legislature failed to deliver when Congress and the White House... amid partisan bickering.”
Again, it was partisan bickering: gridlock unattributable to any particular actor, thus both sides are at fault. No mention of Trump’s leadership role here. In the same passage, the author quotes a lie by Trump about the pandemic, without calling it a lie but describing it as an indication the administration was starting to take the virus seriously.
Chapter 8
>>>“Whatever motivated it, regulatory inaction leading up to 2020 had again left the financial system with flawed defenses”
It is quite clear what motivated it and the responsibility was Republican obstruction. An economics reporter should be able to describe this more assertively.
Chapter 11
>>>On an anti-racist statement: “become the national consensus on the political left and often on the more moderate right.”
Who exactly are the individuals on the “more moderate right” who agree with this statement on institutional racism after the police murdered George Floyd? Even if such a minuscule fraction of people exist, why would the author focus on them, when almost all the right openly opposes anti-racism?
>>>In the discussion of the anti-mask movement, the author makes no mention that it all began with Trump—just as if it arose out of nowhere.
>>>“Politically charged though it might be, inequality had become such an enormous force shaping and defining America’s economy”
Not really sure what that opening qualification of “politically charged” means, but I’m pretty sure it has to do with some both-sidesing inequality!
>>>“While Fed policy seemed unlikely to be the main or only driver of wealth inequality, that was not to say that it played no role at all.”
This is so weakly worded as to amount to an anti-argument, a both-sides statement with no meaning at all. Meanwhile, the author misses the point about the insidiousness and all-pervasiveness of systemic racism.
Chapter 13
>>>“Senator Toomey, on the other hand, viewed the Democratic agenda with worried skepticism.” “Senator Toomey, true believer in a limited Fed” Etc. etc.
The author just credulously repeats Republican Senator Toomey’s stated positions, without a pause to question whether it is sincere or whether other ideological things may be motivating it. Many other examples like this are found in the book.
>>>“Whatever motivated Mnuchin’s maneuver, politics or practicality”
So careful are reporters to seek refuge against any critique at all, they adopt the most naive view of politics possible. This sort of pablum is a disgrace to journalism.
Chapter 14
>>>“even those [Republicans] who accepted the premise of man-created climate change often believed that regulations meant to curb climate risk needed to be carefully tailored to avoid unnecessarily burdening companies.”
This is another disgrace. Do Democrats not believe this? Again, if there is a tiny minority of Republicans who believe that, why is that the focus when the huge majority of Republicans are climate change denialists?
>>>“Powell was environmentally conscious himself”; he “drove a Tesla”
Chapter 15
>>>“Inflation had shown up just in time for—and partly because of—the new presidential administration and Congress in Washington. Joe Biden had taken office...”
It is actually hilariously impressive timing how inflation shows up in the book just in time for the start of Biden’s presidency! Despite much of the book being about extreme inflationary policies enacted in the Trump era to deal with coronavirus, it is only now, when Biden enters the White House, that the author brings inflation up. In a footnote, she is careful to both-sides inflation, noting that Trump supported the latest round of “large checks,” but without a word on his role in those extreme inflationary policies for the prior year.
>>>“Joe Biden had taken office in late January 2021, completing a dramatic transfer of power”
Classic New York Times understatement, this is also an unconscionable and negligent way to describe an attempted coup d’état by the previous president. Does the author not have a stake in her own country as a citizen? Is her professional reflex to both-sides and protect the Republican Party as an equal faction greater than her role as a citizen of a purportedly democratic system that a Republican president, Donald Trump, just tried to overthrow?
>>>On January 6: “underlining the deep divides festering in American society and the potential danger lurking within them”
January 6 is literally footnoted!!! Does a journalist have credibility if she blames “the deep divide” rather than hold particular bad actors accountable?
I will end the examples here. Many other similar ones may be found. A look at the acknowledgments is lastly instructive on white privilege as we learn of the author’s rapid trajectory from, as she states, knowing nothing about the Fed to becoming the Times’ Fed reporter and then landing a book deal with Knopf.
The scandal of this trivial book lies not so much in the naivety, the intellectual timidity, the political cowardice of relatively novice, if high-level, reporting. The scandal is that the well-meaning author is merely conforming to what is accepted as the journalistic norm among the most influential and prestigious media outlets in the English-speaking world.