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The India Way : Strategies for an Uncertain World
The decade from the 2008 global financial crisis to the 2020 coronavirus pandemic has seen a real transformation of the world order. The very nature of international relations and its rules are changing before our eyes.
For India, this means optimal relationships with all the major powers to best advance its goals. It also requires a bolder and non-reciprocal approach to its neighbourhood. A global footprint is now in the making that leverages India’s greater capability and relevance, as well as its unique diaspora. This era of global upheaval entails greater expectations from India, putting it on the path to becoming a leading power.
In The India Way, S. Jaishankar, India’s Minister of External Affairs, analyses these challenges and spells out possible policy responses. He places this thinking in the context of history and tradition, appropriate for a civilizational power that seeks to reclaim its place on the world stage.
For India, this means optimal relationships with all the major powers to best advance its goals. It also requires a bolder and non-reciprocal approach to its neighbourhood. A global footprint is now in the making that leverages India’s greater capability and relevance, as well as its unique diaspora. This era of global upheaval entails greater expectations from India, putting it on the path to becoming a leading power.
In The India Way, S. Jaishankar, India’s Minister of External Affairs, analyses these challenges and spells out possible policy responses. He places this thinking in the context of history and tradition, appropriate for a civilizational power that seeks to reclaim its place on the world stage.
248 pages, Paperback
First published September 4, 2020
980 people are currently reading
4158 people want to read
About the author
S. Jaishankar
8 books255 followersDr. S Jaishankar - External Affairs Minister, Government of India.
Earlier Dr. S Jaishankar was President – Global Corporate Affairs at Tata Sons Private Limited from May 2018.
He was Foreign Secretary from 2015-18, Ambassador to United States from 2013-15, Ambassador to China from 2009-2013, High Commissioner to Singapore from 2007-2009 and Ambassador to the Czech Republic from 2000-2004.
He has also served in other diplomatic assignments in Embassies in Moscow, Colombo, Budapest and Tokyo, as well in the Ministry of External Affairs and the President’s Secretariat.
Dr. S. Jaishankar is a graduate of St. Stephen’s College at the University of Delhi. He has an MA in Political Science and an M. Phil and Ph.D. in International Relations from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi.
He is a recipient of the Padma Shri award in 2019.
He is married to Kyoko Jaishankar and has two sons & and a daughter.
Earlier Dr. S Jaishankar was President – Global Corporate Affairs at Tata Sons Private Limited from May 2018.
He was Foreign Secretary from 2015-18, Ambassador to United States from 2013-15, Ambassador to China from 2009-2013, High Commissioner to Singapore from 2007-2009 and Ambassador to the Czech Republic from 2000-2004.
He has also served in other diplomatic assignments in Embassies in Moscow, Colombo, Budapest and Tokyo, as well in the Ministry of External Affairs and the President’s Secretariat.
Dr. S. Jaishankar is a graduate of St. Stephen’s College at the University of Delhi. He has an MA in Political Science and an M. Phil and Ph.D. in International Relations from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi.
He is a recipient of the Padma Shri award in 2019.
He is married to Kyoko Jaishankar and has two sons & and a daughter.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 214 reviews
July 24, 2021
"Lifeless account of generic known facts that only feels insightful at times."
The problem with the book is that it doesn't have personality. Jaishankar doesn't give you any anecdotal accounts, nor any research work to tell you something insightful regarding Indian diplomacy. The initial chapters in particular felt like a drag. Maybe it's because he is someone who is still in power so he wanted to come off as measured but that approach really sucked the life out of this book.
The book does shine at times like when he analyses how does china perceive India? With the example of Pakistan he explains that the interest of China towards India is so high that they are willing to share a thing that is thought to be the most precious possession of a modern nation. Nukes.
Another time was when he described the essentiality of India's relation to Japan as it can be integral to dehyphenating India with only South Asia and enabling it to play a larger role in Indo Pacific.
But instances like these are rare and rhetorical lecturing is plenty. When asked about how should India deal with Pakistan his answer is-
"Pakistan can only be treated as a normal neighbour when its behaviour corresponds to one. Till then, India will have to show a mix of fortitude, creativity and perseverance of a degree that would impress even Arjuna."
This vagueness would have baffled even Arjuna.
P. S. Memorable Chapter: "Dogmas of Delhi".
The problem with the book is that it doesn't have personality. Jaishankar doesn't give you any anecdotal accounts, nor any research work to tell you something insightful regarding Indian diplomacy. The initial chapters in particular felt like a drag. Maybe it's because he is someone who is still in power so he wanted to come off as measured but that approach really sucked the life out of this book.
The book does shine at times like when he analyses how does china perceive India? With the example of Pakistan he explains that the interest of China towards India is so high that they are willing to share a thing that is thought to be the most precious possession of a modern nation. Nukes.
Another time was when he described the essentiality of India's relation to Japan as it can be integral to dehyphenating India with only South Asia and enabling it to play a larger role in Indo Pacific.
But instances like these are rare and rhetorical lecturing is plenty. When asked about how should India deal with Pakistan his answer is-
"Pakistan can only be treated as a normal neighbour when its behaviour corresponds to one. Till then, India will have to show a mix of fortitude, creativity and perseverance of a degree that would impress even Arjuna."
This vagueness would have baffled even Arjuna.
P. S. Memorable Chapter: "Dogmas of Delhi".
September 9, 2020
The 2005 Nobel Laureate in Economics, Thomas Schelling, begins his rousing book, “Choice and Consequence[1]”, with an introspective and startlingly paradoxical opening, triggering bouts of reflection, and intrigue, in equal measure. “Policy judgments are easier to come by, the farther we are from our goals. If there are only two directions and we know which is forward, and there are limits to how fast we can go, no fine discrimination is needed…Knowing what to do is also easy, if our capabilities are growing and our horizons receding, and yesterday’s goals will be outgrown tomorrow.”
While the India of today bears no perceivable resemblance to the India of yesterday – an India that was stuck in the quagmire of a license-permit-quota Raj system, the India of tomorrow is still evolving. Whilst the contours of such an evolution are explicit in the spheres of free market, preservation and embellishment of the fabric of democracy and an outreach that encompasses within its embrace, continental neighbours and inter-continental well-wishers alike, a cataclysmically shifting geopolitical environ pose its own set of challenges and hurdles.
India would need to adroitly surmount these obstacles with both the acerbic brilliance of a Chanakya and the demure, yet powerful techniques of a Narasimha Rao. In an impeccably measured, intelligently analysed and invigoratingly researched work, India’s External Affairs Minister, and a seasoned veteran at realpolitik, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, dwells on the strategy to be adopted by India if she has to tide over the trials and tribulations of an uncompromising, yet promising change. As Jaishankar warns, there is no time for regressing into Prelapsarian thinking.
The pulchritude of this book, which is mainly a compilation of talks given by Jaishankar at various fora, lies in its simplicity and practicality. The author brings to bear his storied experience as a diplomat that saw him execute stints spanning geographies and across continents. Not shying away from calling a spade for what it actually is, Jaishankar’s work is a handy guide for policy mavens as well as every enthusiastic student of international diplomacy.
The book kicks off with an unfortunate insight into past complacencies that reduced India to the role of a mere bystander as an eddy of reforms passed by. For elucidating this unfortunate event, Jaishankar employs the depiction in a memorable film by Satyajit Ray, where two self-absorbed Nawabs in the province of Awadh are engrossed in a game of chess, while the British, taking complete advantage of such an intransigence, assert their superiority over the unsupervised kingdom. As Jaishankar illustrates, it is such an intransigence that transformed an obstreperous Pakistan into a revanchist and perpetually trouble mongering neighbour.
Political romanticism and an overt reliance on entrenched dogma, have, both cost India significantly. The debacles of the “Havana Handshake[2]” and the “Sharm-el-Sheikh[3]” were decoys masquerading as peace overtures. India should have been more aware. Preceding Sharm-el-Sheikh was the tragedy of Kargil, when an over the top exhibition of detente by Pakistan turned out to be a meticulously crafted farrago that ultimately found its crescendo in a dastardly infiltration into Indian territory by the Pakistanis.
As Jaishankar illustrates, India’s foreign policy is plagued by three formidable ghosts of the past. “One is the 1947 Partition, which reduced the nation both demographically and politically. An unintended consequence was to give China more strategic space in Asia. Another is the delayed economic reforms that were undertaken a decade and a half after those of China. And far more ambivalently. The fifteen-year gap in capabilities continues to put India at a great disadvantage. The third is the prolonged exercise of the nuclear option.” The most plausible way to overcome this troika of blunders will be to go all out on inclusivity. Jaishankar asserts that “India has to engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play”.
In an utterly compelling essay titled, “Krishna’s Choice, The Strategic Culture of a Rising Power”, India’s External Affairs Minister bemoans the Western ineptness in not viewing India through the lens of one its most enduring and indelible epics, “The Mahabharata[4]”. The story of the Pandavas and Kauravas, according to Jaishankar have the same relevance (if not an exacerbated one) for a multipolar world as it had during the epoch of its playing out. While Western strategies are eulogized by framing them against Homer’s Iliad and Machiavelli’s “The Prince”, and China’s political ambitions are evaluated against the “Three Kingdoms”, it is a travesty that Mahabharata has been consigned – unfairly so – to the unfortunate confines of history. Mahabharata according to Jaishankar contains every facet of diplomacy and real politick.
From an unorthodox bent of mind to tried and tested stratagem, the epic that dwarfs its Western counterparts in length embeds it all. In a classic De Bono in Dwaraka instance, just before the battle of Kurukshetra, Arjuna, one of the Pandava brothers and Duryodhana, the Kaurava Prince seek an audience with Lord Krishna. When offered a choice between Lord Krishna’s Army and the diviner’s own assistance, Arjuna in a show of tactical acumen chooses the assistance of the Lord in lieu of his Army. This incidence, irrespective of being labelled as mythology or a real-life occurrence, depending upon whether the reader is a believer or an atheist, finds direct corroboration in the paths taken by the Modi Government. Carefully nurtured alliances with Israel and the USA, and an unstinting friendship with Russia over the overtures of the Belt and Road Initiative of Xi Jingping bear ample testimony to India’s policy directives.
The Mahabharata is also a fount of innovation and opportunism. Not every act of statecraft needs to be played out by the book and not every war needs to be waged ethically. Duryodhana’s demise at the hand of Bhima, Abhimanyu’s tragic end at the hands of the Kauravas, and Karna’s unfortunate death at the hands of Arjuna all find an uncanny repetition in the battles of Bosworth Field in England, Sekigahara in Japan, Plassey in India and the Japanese saga of the 47 Ronin. More recently, the Indian Army’s brilliant coup over their Chinese counterparts in the Ladakh stand-off as memorably illustrated by Colonel (Retired) Danvir Chauhan[5], is a classic illustration of out of the box thinking – a maneuver straight out of the Mahabharata playbook.
Arjuna’s crisis of confidence in the middle of the battlefield required the genius of a Krishna to interfere and instill the necessary spurt in the warrior. Although not finding a mention in the book, it would be apposite to recollect two instances of absolute crisis in confidence which India experienced. The first one was in 1962 triggered by the Chinese incursion and usurpation of Indian territories, and, a second during the Balance of Payment crisis in 1991. In both instances it required the trenchant obduracy of a Narendra Modi (nearly after five decades of impotent inaction), and the incandescent visionary brilliance of Narasimha Rao to overcome what, seemed like existential crises.
The USP of both these leaders was an extraordinary expertise in the art of positioning. As Jaishankar illustrates, “Their (Pandavas) ethical positioning was at the heart of a superior branding. Through acts of valour, nobility and generosity, they generally came out as the better side. Admittedly, they were victims on many occasions, but their ability to play victim was no less. Their very upbringing in the forest gives them a head start with public opinion. The attempt to kill them in the house of lac shows them as an injured party. Accepting an unfair partition of the kingdom fortifies that image. Successfully executing a start-up kingdom in Indraprastha adds to their lustre. The abominable treatment of their wife Draupadi gives them a casus belli that is never allowed to be dampened. The masterstroke was to make an offer of reasonable settlement and accepting just five towns on the eve of the war, so that peer opinion shifts in their favour.”
Both Narasimha Rao and Narendra Modi provided the world a casus belli to trust India and regard it as a future economic and political powerhouse capable of not just influencing but shaping world polity. As Sanjaya Baru, sets out in his fantastic book, “1991: How P.V. Narasimha Rao Made History[6]”, a soft-spoken external demeanour that made PV look like a reluctant mendicant, belied a will power that was cast in iron. The man neither had time for fools nor was inclined to tolerate political shenanigans and chicanery. His ability to deal a strong hand when the situation warranted – but without losing even a shred of composure in the process – was legion.
In another essay titled, “The Dogmas of Delhi, Overcoming the Hesitations of History”, Jaishankar reasserts the relevance and importance of parting with well entrenched dogmas that otherwise serve as sacrosanct relics. India, to its great credit has absorbed this philosophy in the recent past. While the first few decades of the post-Independence era witnessed trends alternating between a policy of Non-Alignment and an inextricable yet explainable alliance with the erstwhile Soviet Union to counter the threat posed by a Sino-US-Pak alliance, the last decade or so has seen a tectonic shift in India’s geopolitical strategy and ambition. “The relevance of the US or China is far more than anytime earlier. The Russian relationship may have defied odds by remaining incredibly steady. But it is the exception, not the rule. Japan has now become an important factor in our calculations. The rediscovery of Europe is also underway, with France now a critical strategic partner. The Gulf has been bridged in an extraordinarily effective manner. ASEAN has grown closer, and Australia’s relevance is more apparent. A strong sense of the extended neighbourhood is apparent. Africa is the focus of development assistance and opening of new Embassies. And as evident from diplomatic activities, our outreach extends from South America and the Caribbean to the South Pacific and Baltics. Closer home, there is an unprecedented investment in the neighbourhood whose consequences are becoming apparent. Put together, the scale and intensity of our global engagement would be difficult to recognize for someone dealing with it even a few years ago.” India has, under some astute leadership tried hard to come out of the cocoon of self-absorption into a world of intricate geopolitical play.
Whether in involves concluding White Shipping agreements with seventeen nations, providing coastal surveillance radars to eight of them, naval capabilities to six, and establishing an Integrated Fusion Centre for Maritime Domain Awareness, India has displayed a bent of resolve, that has been, putting it mildly, admirable and refreshing. Unlike the BRI, India has not worked its way to seduce any country into the vice like grip of a debt trap. Jaishankar’s contention leads the reader to recollect the calamitous experience of Hambantota[7] in Sri Lanka and the more recent Électricité du Laos, the Laos state owned electricity company[8], episodes which unraveled the “snake in the grass” perfidy that is the handmaiden of any generous Chinese assistance. In sheer contradistinction, as Jaishankar illustrates, India has been the epitome of transparency and camaraderie. “Overall, it has offered 300 Lines of Credit (LoC) to sixty-four countries involving 540 projects. The bulk of the LoCs and projects are with Africa, now at 321 projects involving 205 LoCs. In addition, India currently has 181 projects in Asia, thirty-two in Latin America and Caribbean and three each in Central Asia and Oceania.”
In another essay titled “Of Mandarins and Masses, Public Opinion and the West”, Jaishankar stirs a hornet’s nest when he claims “it may be hard for diplomats to digest, but the Indian Street has often displayed better instincts than Lutyens’ Delhi when it comes to assessing opportunities and risks abroad.” This Chapter also alludes to an increasing spurt of nationalization across the globe that may well turn out to be the “X-Factor” in future global relations. However, the nationalism which Jaishankar talks here is not a neologism that stands for either totalitarianism or autarky. These days, it has become a fashion to spawn syllogisms that create ideologies out of incidents and make mountains out of molehills. Hence, we have a veritable terminology soup that is at once bewildering and exasperating. ‘Wokeism’, ‘Woke capitalism’, ‘Social Justice movement’, ‘Progressive Movement’ have all infiltrated the lexicon of daily life and confounded an already sizeable confusion.
However, the nationalism, promulgated by Jaishankar, is one that appears, “in different sizes and shapes, can be assertive, reactive or just expressive. The confident category reflects the real and psychological outcome of shifts in the world power hierarchy. It is represented by the rise of nations like China and India, of a continent like Asia and the consequent rebalancing of the global order.” India is no exception to the global order. Unshackled by a need for protectionism, India’s inclusive brand of nationalism, one that has brought about a paradigm shift in thinking, “does not translate into an ‘us versus the world’ mentality. For reasons that derive from our innate pluralism, there is a tradition of reconciling the nationalism with global engagement. Not driven by victimhood, it has the potential to serve as a bridge between the established and emerging orders.” This pluralism finds its métier in India’s sincere and benevolent outreach. A growing commitment to trans-national highway construction, multi-modal transport initiatives, railway modernization, inland waterways, coastal shipping, and port development underlines its seriousness. In fact, better logistics has become the dominant theme of India’s neighbourhood outreach. India’s cooperation agenda today covers white shipping, blue economy, disaster response, anti-piracy and counterterrorism, as well as hydrography.
One of the highlights of the book is an essay titled “The Nimzo-Indian Defense, Managing China’s Rise”. Based on the hypermodern opening in the game of chess that was developed by Aron Nimzowitsch who introduced it to master-level chess in the early 20th century, this Chapter provides an overview of Sino-Indian cultural bindings that extends over thousands of years and the simmering undercurrents that project themselves in border disputes covering Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh. At the time the book went to the press, the unfortunate incident of Galwan triggered by Chinese misadventure, and the daring occupation of strategic mountain tops by the Indian Armed
While the India of today bears no perceivable resemblance to the India of yesterday – an India that was stuck in the quagmire of a license-permit-quota Raj system, the India of tomorrow is still evolving. Whilst the contours of such an evolution are explicit in the spheres of free market, preservation and embellishment of the fabric of democracy and an outreach that encompasses within its embrace, continental neighbours and inter-continental well-wishers alike, a cataclysmically shifting geopolitical environ pose its own set of challenges and hurdles.
India would need to adroitly surmount these obstacles with both the acerbic brilliance of a Chanakya and the demure, yet powerful techniques of a Narasimha Rao. In an impeccably measured, intelligently analysed and invigoratingly researched work, India’s External Affairs Minister, and a seasoned veteran at realpolitik, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, dwells on the strategy to be adopted by India if she has to tide over the trials and tribulations of an uncompromising, yet promising change. As Jaishankar warns, there is no time for regressing into Prelapsarian thinking.
The pulchritude of this book, which is mainly a compilation of talks given by Jaishankar at various fora, lies in its simplicity and practicality. The author brings to bear his storied experience as a diplomat that saw him execute stints spanning geographies and across continents. Not shying away from calling a spade for what it actually is, Jaishankar’s work is a handy guide for policy mavens as well as every enthusiastic student of international diplomacy.
The book kicks off with an unfortunate insight into past complacencies that reduced India to the role of a mere bystander as an eddy of reforms passed by. For elucidating this unfortunate event, Jaishankar employs the depiction in a memorable film by Satyajit Ray, where two self-absorbed Nawabs in the province of Awadh are engrossed in a game of chess, while the British, taking complete advantage of such an intransigence, assert their superiority over the unsupervised kingdom. As Jaishankar illustrates, it is such an intransigence that transformed an obstreperous Pakistan into a revanchist and perpetually trouble mongering neighbour.
Political romanticism and an overt reliance on entrenched dogma, have, both cost India significantly. The debacles of the “Havana Handshake[2]” and the “Sharm-el-Sheikh[3]” were decoys masquerading as peace overtures. India should have been more aware. Preceding Sharm-el-Sheikh was the tragedy of Kargil, when an over the top exhibition of detente by Pakistan turned out to be a meticulously crafted farrago that ultimately found its crescendo in a dastardly infiltration into Indian territory by the Pakistanis.
As Jaishankar illustrates, India’s foreign policy is plagued by three formidable ghosts of the past. “One is the 1947 Partition, which reduced the nation both demographically and politically. An unintended consequence was to give China more strategic space in Asia. Another is the delayed economic reforms that were undertaken a decade and a half after those of China. And far more ambivalently. The fifteen-year gap in capabilities continues to put India at a great disadvantage. The third is the prolonged exercise of the nuclear option.” The most plausible way to overcome this troika of blunders will be to go all out on inclusivity. Jaishankar asserts that “India has to engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play”.
In an utterly compelling essay titled, “Krishna’s Choice, The Strategic Culture of a Rising Power”, India’s External Affairs Minister bemoans the Western ineptness in not viewing India through the lens of one its most enduring and indelible epics, “The Mahabharata[4]”. The story of the Pandavas and Kauravas, according to Jaishankar have the same relevance (if not an exacerbated one) for a multipolar world as it had during the epoch of its playing out. While Western strategies are eulogized by framing them against Homer’s Iliad and Machiavelli’s “The Prince”, and China’s political ambitions are evaluated against the “Three Kingdoms”, it is a travesty that Mahabharata has been consigned – unfairly so – to the unfortunate confines of history. Mahabharata according to Jaishankar contains every facet of diplomacy and real politick.
From an unorthodox bent of mind to tried and tested stratagem, the epic that dwarfs its Western counterparts in length embeds it all. In a classic De Bono in Dwaraka instance, just before the battle of Kurukshetra, Arjuna, one of the Pandava brothers and Duryodhana, the Kaurava Prince seek an audience with Lord Krishna. When offered a choice between Lord Krishna’s Army and the diviner’s own assistance, Arjuna in a show of tactical acumen chooses the assistance of the Lord in lieu of his Army. This incidence, irrespective of being labelled as mythology or a real-life occurrence, depending upon whether the reader is a believer or an atheist, finds direct corroboration in the paths taken by the Modi Government. Carefully nurtured alliances with Israel and the USA, and an unstinting friendship with Russia over the overtures of the Belt and Road Initiative of Xi Jingping bear ample testimony to India’s policy directives.
The Mahabharata is also a fount of innovation and opportunism. Not every act of statecraft needs to be played out by the book and not every war needs to be waged ethically. Duryodhana’s demise at the hand of Bhima, Abhimanyu’s tragic end at the hands of the Kauravas, and Karna’s unfortunate death at the hands of Arjuna all find an uncanny repetition in the battles of Bosworth Field in England, Sekigahara in Japan, Plassey in India and the Japanese saga of the 47 Ronin. More recently, the Indian Army’s brilliant coup over their Chinese counterparts in the Ladakh stand-off as memorably illustrated by Colonel (Retired) Danvir Chauhan[5], is a classic illustration of out of the box thinking – a maneuver straight out of the Mahabharata playbook.
Arjuna’s crisis of confidence in the middle of the battlefield required the genius of a Krishna to interfere and instill the necessary spurt in the warrior. Although not finding a mention in the book, it would be apposite to recollect two instances of absolute crisis in confidence which India experienced. The first one was in 1962 triggered by the Chinese incursion and usurpation of Indian territories, and, a second during the Balance of Payment crisis in 1991. In both instances it required the trenchant obduracy of a Narendra Modi (nearly after five decades of impotent inaction), and the incandescent visionary brilliance of Narasimha Rao to overcome what, seemed like existential crises.
The USP of both these leaders was an extraordinary expertise in the art of positioning. As Jaishankar illustrates, “Their (Pandavas) ethical positioning was at the heart of a superior branding. Through acts of valour, nobility and generosity, they generally came out as the better side. Admittedly, they were victims on many occasions, but their ability to play victim was no less. Their very upbringing in the forest gives them a head start with public opinion. The attempt to kill them in the house of lac shows them as an injured party. Accepting an unfair partition of the kingdom fortifies that image. Successfully executing a start-up kingdom in Indraprastha adds to their lustre. The abominable treatment of their wife Draupadi gives them a casus belli that is never allowed to be dampened. The masterstroke was to make an offer of reasonable settlement and accepting just five towns on the eve of the war, so that peer opinion shifts in their favour.”
Both Narasimha Rao and Narendra Modi provided the world a casus belli to trust India and regard it as a future economic and political powerhouse capable of not just influencing but shaping world polity. As Sanjaya Baru, sets out in his fantastic book, “1991: How P.V. Narasimha Rao Made History[6]”, a soft-spoken external demeanour that made PV look like a reluctant mendicant, belied a will power that was cast in iron. The man neither had time for fools nor was inclined to tolerate political shenanigans and chicanery. His ability to deal a strong hand when the situation warranted – but without losing even a shred of composure in the process – was legion.
In another essay titled, “The Dogmas of Delhi, Overcoming the Hesitations of History”, Jaishankar reasserts the relevance and importance of parting with well entrenched dogmas that otherwise serve as sacrosanct relics. India, to its great credit has absorbed this philosophy in the recent past. While the first few decades of the post-Independence era witnessed trends alternating between a policy of Non-Alignment and an inextricable yet explainable alliance with the erstwhile Soviet Union to counter the threat posed by a Sino-US-Pak alliance, the last decade or so has seen a tectonic shift in India’s geopolitical strategy and ambition. “The relevance of the US or China is far more than anytime earlier. The Russian relationship may have defied odds by remaining incredibly steady. But it is the exception, not the rule. Japan has now become an important factor in our calculations. The rediscovery of Europe is also underway, with France now a critical strategic partner. The Gulf has been bridged in an extraordinarily effective manner. ASEAN has grown closer, and Australia’s relevance is more apparent. A strong sense of the extended neighbourhood is apparent. Africa is the focus of development assistance and opening of new Embassies. And as evident from diplomatic activities, our outreach extends from South America and the Caribbean to the South Pacific and Baltics. Closer home, there is an unprecedented investment in the neighbourhood whose consequences are becoming apparent. Put together, the scale and intensity of our global engagement would be difficult to recognize for someone dealing with it even a few years ago.” India has, under some astute leadership tried hard to come out of the cocoon of self-absorption into a world of intricate geopolitical play.
Whether in involves concluding White Shipping agreements with seventeen nations, providing coastal surveillance radars to eight of them, naval capabilities to six, and establishing an Integrated Fusion Centre for Maritime Domain Awareness, India has displayed a bent of resolve, that has been, putting it mildly, admirable and refreshing. Unlike the BRI, India has not worked its way to seduce any country into the vice like grip of a debt trap. Jaishankar’s contention leads the reader to recollect the calamitous experience of Hambantota[7] in Sri Lanka and the more recent Électricité du Laos, the Laos state owned electricity company[8], episodes which unraveled the “snake in the grass” perfidy that is the handmaiden of any generous Chinese assistance. In sheer contradistinction, as Jaishankar illustrates, India has been the epitome of transparency and camaraderie. “Overall, it has offered 300 Lines of Credit (LoC) to sixty-four countries involving 540 projects. The bulk of the LoCs and projects are with Africa, now at 321 projects involving 205 LoCs. In addition, India currently has 181 projects in Asia, thirty-two in Latin America and Caribbean and three each in Central Asia and Oceania.”
In another essay titled “Of Mandarins and Masses, Public Opinion and the West”, Jaishankar stirs a hornet’s nest when he claims “it may be hard for diplomats to digest, but the Indian Street has often displayed better instincts than Lutyens’ Delhi when it comes to assessing opportunities and risks abroad.” This Chapter also alludes to an increasing spurt of nationalization across the globe that may well turn out to be the “X-Factor” in future global relations. However, the nationalism which Jaishankar talks here is not a neologism that stands for either totalitarianism or autarky. These days, it has become a fashion to spawn syllogisms that create ideologies out of incidents and make mountains out of molehills. Hence, we have a veritable terminology soup that is at once bewildering and exasperating. ‘Wokeism’, ‘Woke capitalism’, ‘Social Justice movement’, ‘Progressive Movement’ have all infiltrated the lexicon of daily life and confounded an already sizeable confusion.
However, the nationalism, promulgated by Jaishankar, is one that appears, “in different sizes and shapes, can be assertive, reactive or just expressive. The confident category reflects the real and psychological outcome of shifts in the world power hierarchy. It is represented by the rise of nations like China and India, of a continent like Asia and the consequent rebalancing of the global order.” India is no exception to the global order. Unshackled by a need for protectionism, India’s inclusive brand of nationalism, one that has brought about a paradigm shift in thinking, “does not translate into an ‘us versus the world’ mentality. For reasons that derive from our innate pluralism, there is a tradition of reconciling the nationalism with global engagement. Not driven by victimhood, it has the potential to serve as a bridge between the established and emerging orders.” This pluralism finds its métier in India’s sincere and benevolent outreach. A growing commitment to trans-national highway construction, multi-modal transport initiatives, railway modernization, inland waterways, coastal shipping, and port development underlines its seriousness. In fact, better logistics has become the dominant theme of India’s neighbourhood outreach. India’s cooperation agenda today covers white shipping, blue economy, disaster response, anti-piracy and counterterrorism, as well as hydrography.
One of the highlights of the book is an essay titled “The Nimzo-Indian Defense, Managing China’s Rise”. Based on the hypermodern opening in the game of chess that was developed by Aron Nimzowitsch who introduced it to master-level chess in the early 20th century, this Chapter provides an overview of Sino-Indian cultural bindings that extends over thousands of years and the simmering undercurrents that project themselves in border disputes covering Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh. At the time the book went to the press, the unfortunate incident of Galwan triggered by Chinese misadventure, and the daring occupation of strategic mountain tops by the Indian Armed
September 20, 2020
Jaishankar, the current External Affairs Minister of India, has had a front-row seat to various geo-political events of the last few decades in his roles as Ambassador to China and USA, and then as the Foreign Secretary in the first term of the Modi government.
His book, “The Indian Way” is a good summary of India’s foreign policy challenges in the face of key global trends since Independence, including a clear articulation of the various foreign policy successes (few) and failures, current challenges and hence the imperatives going forward.
It is not a general treatise of global events of the past few decades in so much as they were not particularly relevant to India. Hence, it is quite silent on the creation of the Euro Zone or various facets of the Cold War or the collapse of the Iron Curtain to the extent they did not have a direct relevance to India.
What is particularly interesting about this book is the articulation of India’s foreign policy since Independence. He borrows from history, quite aptly, when he defines India’s stance towards its own national security in terms of the Panipat Syndrome. It’s the ‘batting on the back-foot’ phenomena that has plagued India for the longest time except the brief period of the 70s and which, he believes, the current government is upending in a significant way.
Much of the discussion is focused on the rise of China and the naivety that India has consistently displayed in address this challenge. Jaishankar weaves in the importance of dealing with the indifference of Japan as well as engaging the West (Europe and USA) even while continue to maintain our support base within Russia, as just some of the myriad complexities that India must deal with, if it is to use foreign policy to bolster its global standing in political and economic terms as well as in the context of national, security vis-a-vis China. The deep understanding of China, USA and Japan, in the Indian context, is simply quite insightful.
Where I think the book lags is it’s over-emphasis on Look / Act East at the cost of ignoring the Indian narrative in the Middle East, including our historic blunders and recent efforts to de-hyphenate that relationship from Pakistan. Similarly, the Pakistan factor gets consumed into the Sino-Pakistan discussion rather than being given the importance that it deserves given the huge role it has played on Indian psyche and history.
Given the book is focused on broader global trends, it also ends up ignoring the role India and its other neighbours have played in shaping each other over decades and the rockiness which has been the hallmark of most of these relationships at various times in history.
Where the book scores from a penmanship perspective is how it is not afraid to give credit where due even if it was to non-BJP governments in the past. Similarly, it does not overly dwell on the ‘foreign policy blunders’ of the Nehru government which are a pet theme for the current government. However, it does tend to become self-righteous while talking about the foreign policy initiatives of the current government where the author is a senior minister himself.
All in all, a good summary for those looking to start engaging in India’s foreign policy narrative.
His book, “The Indian Way” is a good summary of India’s foreign policy challenges in the face of key global trends since Independence, including a clear articulation of the various foreign policy successes (few) and failures, current challenges and hence the imperatives going forward.
It is not a general treatise of global events of the past few decades in so much as they were not particularly relevant to India. Hence, it is quite silent on the creation of the Euro Zone or various facets of the Cold War or the collapse of the Iron Curtain to the extent they did not have a direct relevance to India.
What is particularly interesting about this book is the articulation of India’s foreign policy since Independence. He borrows from history, quite aptly, when he defines India’s stance towards its own national security in terms of the Panipat Syndrome. It’s the ‘batting on the back-foot’ phenomena that has plagued India for the longest time except the brief period of the 70s and which, he believes, the current government is upending in a significant way.
Much of the discussion is focused on the rise of China and the naivety that India has consistently displayed in address this challenge. Jaishankar weaves in the importance of dealing with the indifference of Japan as well as engaging the West (Europe and USA) even while continue to maintain our support base within Russia, as just some of the myriad complexities that India must deal with, if it is to use foreign policy to bolster its global standing in political and economic terms as well as in the context of national, security vis-a-vis China. The deep understanding of China, USA and Japan, in the Indian context, is simply quite insightful.
Where I think the book lags is it’s over-emphasis on Look / Act East at the cost of ignoring the Indian narrative in the Middle East, including our historic blunders and recent efforts to de-hyphenate that relationship from Pakistan. Similarly, the Pakistan factor gets consumed into the Sino-Pakistan discussion rather than being given the importance that it deserves given the huge role it has played on Indian psyche and history.
Given the book is focused on broader global trends, it also ends up ignoring the role India and its other neighbours have played in shaping each other over decades and the rockiness which has been the hallmark of most of these relationships at various times in history.
Where the book scores from a penmanship perspective is how it is not afraid to give credit where due even if it was to non-BJP governments in the past. Similarly, it does not overly dwell on the ‘foreign policy blunders’ of the Nehru government which are a pet theme for the current government. However, it does tend to become self-righteous while talking about the foreign policy initiatives of the current government where the author is a senior minister himself.
All in all, a good summary for those looking to start engaging in India’s foreign policy narrative.
August 20, 2021
If insightfulness had a face, it would be of Dr. S. Jaishankar's.
This book was a dive into the mind of a bureaucrat as opposed to that of a politician. A purely unbiased, intelligent analysis of world events & the evolution of India's foreign policy since independence. Where necessary not only has Dr. S. Jaishankar given due credits to the govt. (both past & present) but also hasn't shied away from criticising wherever necessary for not being bold enough or being too bold at times.
This book has two important aspects : 1) reading global happenings & responding by realigning the country constantly & 2) to understand the psychology with which foreign policies are framed in different countries.
When the author takes us through his journey of looking at the major global developments against the backdrop of the Mahabharata or the diplomacy of Shri Krishna, one can't help but wonder how we could have possibly missed out on reading them correctly which resulted in disastrous policy at times and also at times desperate last resort moves just enough to barely save the country. Going through this, it makes it clear that being unable to read world developments correctly has always put us in the middle of an unwanted and otherwise avoidable whirlwind many a times. Something which has always been the strong hold of even our nemesis. Yeah a bitter pill !
For psyche behind foreign policy making, author neatly narrates and explains how deeply it is rooted in the underlying civilization of the countries & reflects the people at large. Be it USA, China, Germany or India. The only difference being, India is the only country which still rejects its civilization for learnings. Idiotic as it may sound but it is true.
Structure of the book : Articulated quite well. The names of each of the chapters completes the contents fully. Most of the important global and national events have been analysed, most of the important countries and their foreign policies have been cultivated as well.
By far the most interesting and insightful of the chapters according to me is : Krishna's Choice.
Highly recommended for honest & intellectual analysts.
This book was a dive into the mind of a bureaucrat as opposed to that of a politician. A purely unbiased, intelligent analysis of world events & the evolution of India's foreign policy since independence. Where necessary not only has Dr. S. Jaishankar given due credits to the govt. (both past & present) but also hasn't shied away from criticising wherever necessary for not being bold enough or being too bold at times.
This book has two important aspects : 1) reading global happenings & responding by realigning the country constantly & 2) to understand the psychology with which foreign policies are framed in different countries.
When the author takes us through his journey of looking at the major global developments against the backdrop of the Mahabharata or the diplomacy of Shri Krishna, one can't help but wonder how we could have possibly missed out on reading them correctly which resulted in disastrous policy at times and also at times desperate last resort moves just enough to barely save the country. Going through this, it makes it clear that being unable to read world developments correctly has always put us in the middle of an unwanted and otherwise avoidable whirlwind many a times. Something which has always been the strong hold of even our nemesis. Yeah a bitter pill !
For psyche behind foreign policy making, author neatly narrates and explains how deeply it is rooted in the underlying civilization of the countries & reflects the people at large. Be it USA, China, Germany or India. The only difference being, India is the only country which still rejects its civilization for learnings. Idiotic as it may sound but it is true.
Structure of the book : Articulated quite well. The names of each of the chapters completes the contents fully. Most of the important global and national events have been analysed, most of the important countries and their foreign policies have been cultivated as well.
By far the most interesting and insightful of the chapters according to me is : Krishna's Choice.
Highly recommended for honest & intellectual analysts.
October 4, 2020
The paradox the world will confront is to seek change in the very order in which it is still deeply invested.
Some have already mastered that art well, while others still struggle.
A more fragmented, diffused and complicated future awaits, as all of us will now do our political sums differently.
Some have already mastered that art well, while others still struggle.
A more fragmented, diffused and complicated future awaits, as all of us will now do our political sums differently.
September 24, 2020
Really interesting book. I am glad bureaucrat wrote this book. This gave me various ideas and got some clarity.
March 25, 2021
A comprehensive, realistic overview of India's diplomacy from a veteran practitioner. India's cerebral Foreign Minister Jaishankar enjoys bi-partisan admiration for his skill and diplomacy. That he had extensive support from both Prime Minister Singh and Prime Minister Modi attests to this fact.
I have particularly enjoyed the chapter Krishna's Choice for detailing the relevance of the Mahabharata to the modern times. Indian epics and stories are woefully underutilized and analyzed, especially in the realm of geopolitics. Jaishankar gives out a call for this to change. As India undergoes a cultural rediscovery and resurgence (for good or bad), expect to see more about our own history and its influence on the national hive mind.
The chapter on managing China, The Nimzo-Indian Defence was also enjoyable. I ended up adding a few more interesting books to my reading list. I have heard many times before how the historical India-China relationship has been ridiculously one-sided. The Chinese have absorbed and analyzed India's history and epics much more than the Indians. This gives them a significant advantage on reading minds. As tensions at the border mount, I hope India also gives Chinese history the importance it deserves. We must all be learning Mandarin Chinese, not shunning it!
Japan also find extensive mention in the book, thanks to their increasing relevance to India. Jaishankar is bullish on India-Japan relations and believes we have barely scratched the surface. As Japan sheds its traditional reluctance to engage with the world more effectively and openly as an independent power, India and Japan will find themselves fighting on the same side and for the same issues.
Other key players like Russia, Europe, ASEAN are also featured extensively. For a decade, Russia has been India's friend with benefit. It would probably continue to be so despite moving closer into the Chinese orbit. India hopes Russia acts as a bridge to managing China. How this plays out as the power differential between Moscow and Beijing widens remains to be seen.
ASEAN is divided on taking sides on the brewing US-China rivalry and naturally so. It has extensive trade relations with both the powers and does not want to lose out on any of them. Will this act of balancing pay dividends? Europe, the erstwhile centre of world finds its relevance rapidly eroding as Asia grows. It is Indo-Pacific policy is almost entirely based on China and there are visible signs that may change soon. Will trade and market access trump human rights or is it the other way around?
The book clearly attempts to lay bare India's reluctance of joining a US alliance openly (yet). Jaishankar remembers the dreaded G2 arrangement mooted by Obama and fears that a Biden victory in 2020 might re-ignite the debate. Any act of concession to China by the US in Asia would have drastic consequences for India. Expect more on this to unfold in the coming years!
In conclusion, this was an enjoyable book with a fluid tone. I highly recommend this to anyone interested in the evolution of Indian diplomacy and the ways forward.
Re-Read 25 March 2021:
Only re-read the delightful Krishna's Choice chapter. The minister should take time to write an entire book on this!
I have particularly enjoyed the chapter Krishna's Choice for detailing the relevance of the Mahabharata to the modern times. Indian epics and stories are woefully underutilized and analyzed, especially in the realm of geopolitics. Jaishankar gives out a call for this to change. As India undergoes a cultural rediscovery and resurgence (for good or bad), expect to see more about our own history and its influence on the national hive mind.
The chapter on managing China, The Nimzo-Indian Defence was also enjoyable. I ended up adding a few more interesting books to my reading list. I have heard many times before how the historical India-China relationship has been ridiculously one-sided. The Chinese have absorbed and analyzed India's history and epics much more than the Indians. This gives them a significant advantage on reading minds. As tensions at the border mount, I hope India also gives Chinese history the importance it deserves. We must all be learning Mandarin Chinese, not shunning it!
Japan also find extensive mention in the book, thanks to their increasing relevance to India. Jaishankar is bullish on India-Japan relations and believes we have barely scratched the surface. As Japan sheds its traditional reluctance to engage with the world more effectively and openly as an independent power, India and Japan will find themselves fighting on the same side and for the same issues.
Other key players like Russia, Europe, ASEAN are also featured extensively. For a decade, Russia has been India's friend with benefit. It would probably continue to be so despite moving closer into the Chinese orbit. India hopes Russia acts as a bridge to managing China. How this plays out as the power differential between Moscow and Beijing widens remains to be seen.
ASEAN is divided on taking sides on the brewing US-China rivalry and naturally so. It has extensive trade relations with both the powers and does not want to lose out on any of them. Will this act of balancing pay dividends? Europe, the erstwhile centre of world finds its relevance rapidly eroding as Asia grows. It is Indo-Pacific policy is almost entirely based on China and there are visible signs that may change soon. Will trade and market access trump human rights or is it the other way around?
The book clearly attempts to lay bare India's reluctance of joining a US alliance openly (yet). Jaishankar remembers the dreaded G2 arrangement mooted by Obama and fears that a Biden victory in 2020 might re-ignite the debate. Any act of concession to China by the US in Asia would have drastic consequences for India. Expect more on this to unfold in the coming years!
In conclusion, this was an enjoyable book with a fluid tone. I highly recommend this to anyone interested in the evolution of Indian diplomacy and the ways forward.
Re-Read 25 March 2021:
Only re-read the delightful Krishna's Choice chapter. The minister should take time to write an entire book on this!
March 12, 2021
"A nation that doesn't honour its past has no future"- Goethe
The Indian Way by the current Indian Foreign Minister, Ex-Foreign Secretary and a seasoned diplomat provides an outlook towards futuristic Indian foreign policy and the analysis surrounding the complexity of relations between Nation-States which have evolved from simple allies and foes to "frenemies".
I particularly liked a chapter "Krishna's Choice" which draws parallel between Mahabharata and India's past decisions of international policy.
Some of the insights are indeed coming from a methodological and rigourous analysis of history, culture, geography, challenges and aspirations of India and the world.
However, I find certain degree of bias against Nehruvian era foreign policies which were to be assessed in their specific context and excessive emphasis on "Indo-US Nuclear Deal 2005", maybe because of author's close knowledge due to his father's role in it. Added to this, the chapters could have sub-headings to help categorise view points which at some point feels scattered.
Overall, a good book and a suggested read for everyone who revel in foreign affairs and what it holds for India.
The Indian Way by the current Indian Foreign Minister, Ex-Foreign Secretary and a seasoned diplomat provides an outlook towards futuristic Indian foreign policy and the analysis surrounding the complexity of relations between Nation-States which have evolved from simple allies and foes to "frenemies".
I particularly liked a chapter "Krishna's Choice" which draws parallel between Mahabharata and India's past decisions of international policy.
Some of the insights are indeed coming from a methodological and rigourous analysis of history, culture, geography, challenges and aspirations of India and the world.
However, I find certain degree of bias against Nehruvian era foreign policies which were to be assessed in their specific context and excessive emphasis on "Indo-US Nuclear Deal 2005", maybe because of author's close knowledge due to his father's role in it. Added to this, the chapters could have sub-headings to help categorise view points which at some point feels scattered.
Overall, a good book and a suggested read for everyone who revel in foreign affairs and what it holds for India.
April 8, 2021
Don't be fooled by my rating. It is not for the book, but for the reputation of the minister and the good work he is doing.
I have many complaints regarding this book, but I don't have the patience to type it all.
This book reads like a pocket handbook for the diplomats and researchers. Full of strategies that India should follow to make its impeccable mark on the world.
The common folk, like me, have nothing interesting to know from this book. It does not delve deep into the process of devising the strategies, or how foreign policies are formulated.
The only interesting part is when the minister makes a resembling analogy with Mahabharata War, comparing it with the present state of India, and its options, like the ones different characters had in the epic.
Staying true to his roots, the language is well articulated and polished.
Pick this book only if you are passionate about international relations.
I have many complaints regarding this book, but I don't have the patience to type it all.
This book reads like a pocket handbook for the diplomats and researchers. Full of strategies that India should follow to make its impeccable mark on the world.
The common folk, like me, have nothing interesting to know from this book. It does not delve deep into the process of devising the strategies, or how foreign policies are formulated.
The only interesting part is when the minister makes a resembling analogy with Mahabharata War, comparing it with the present state of India, and its options, like the ones different characters had in the epic.
Staying true to his roots, the language is well articulated and polished.
Pick this book only if you are passionate about international relations.
September 11, 2020
This book is an overall summary about how India is going to align it's foreign policy in future. It accepts the tough China competition to its rise and ripples of US China stand off as well as China Russia association. Noteworthy is the understanding of multilateralism among ASEAN Nations as well as learning from Europe and it's recent struggle after Brexit.
Dr S Jaishankar has tried to cover vast range of topics in a short concise manner. Book is a complex read, recommend only for those who already have a watch over Geo Political scenarios across globe.
Dr S Jaishankar has tried to cover vast range of topics in a short concise manner. Book is a complex read, recommend only for those who already have a watch over Geo Political scenarios across globe.
April 27, 2023
This book by the Indian Minister of External Affairs contain some interesting points, but for the most part the points he raises are self-evident and his message repetitive.
Jaishankar seeks to map out how India should act and relate in a changing geopolitical setting. Along the way he also relays how India has acted in the past. His main point is that the world is changing at the same time towards grater multipolarity and less multilateralism. This opens up new avenues, especially for large and powerful countries such as India. His main argument is that in this changing world, India needs to be flexible and open to cooperate and converse with many partners at once (in essence what India is already doing). As he says, India must let go of the "dogmas of history" and look upon the world with fresh and "brave" eyes. But in reality he is just saying: "India must analyze the situation and make the best choice for India", hardly a revolutionary analyzis.
He also claims that the books presents a unique Indian perspective on the world. However, Jaishankar still seems to analyze and view the world through established "western" IR-glasses. No amount of references to Indian classics such as the Mahābhārata can change this.
All in all a learned, but underwhelming book. Jaishankar is highly educated and experienced, with a PhD in International Relations and hands-on experience as ambassador to both the US and China and he does raise many interesting points in the book. However, this does not make the book good. He repeats the same obvious points throughout the book and he writes in a highly inaccessible way. Reading it is not difficult per se, but he employs an unnecessarily erudite and convoluted language.
I recommend this book to people who wants to learn more about how India thinks on foreign policy (or at least how they want to present themselves as thinking), but don't expect any revolutionary insights about the world or foreign policy.
Jaishankar seeks to map out how India should act and relate in a changing geopolitical setting. Along the way he also relays how India has acted in the past. His main point is that the world is changing at the same time towards grater multipolarity and less multilateralism. This opens up new avenues, especially for large and powerful countries such as India. His main argument is that in this changing world, India needs to be flexible and open to cooperate and converse with many partners at once (in essence what India is already doing). As he says, India must let go of the "dogmas of history" and look upon the world with fresh and "brave" eyes. But in reality he is just saying: "India must analyze the situation and make the best choice for India", hardly a revolutionary analyzis.
He also claims that the books presents a unique Indian perspective on the world. However, Jaishankar still seems to analyze and view the world through established "western" IR-glasses. No amount of references to Indian classics such as the Mahābhārata can change this.
All in all a learned, but underwhelming book. Jaishankar is highly educated and experienced, with a PhD in International Relations and hands-on experience as ambassador to both the US and China and he does raise many interesting points in the book. However, this does not make the book good. He repeats the same obvious points throughout the book and he writes in a highly inaccessible way. Reading it is not difficult per se, but he employs an unnecessarily erudite and convoluted language.
I recommend this book to people who wants to learn more about how India thinks on foreign policy (or at least how they want to present themselves as thinking), but don't expect any revolutionary insights about the world or foreign policy.
January 19, 2021
A good read for folks interested in international relation from a bharatian perspective
international relations has changed significantly in the last decade and more so in the last 5 years
author has rightly balanced the positives and blunders done by dynasty politics in the subcontinent and provides food for thought for forging the future diplomatic relations
highlights :
his terminology of rebranding non alignment to muti-alignment really caught my attention and maybe a key to our future relations
another nice point was around nations occupying mid space of another to influence rather than substantative relationship
international relations has changed significantly in the last decade and more so in the last 5 years
author has rightly balanced the positives and blunders done by dynasty politics in the subcontinent and provides food for thought for forging the future diplomatic relations
highlights :
his terminology of rebranding non alignment to muti-alignment really caught my attention and maybe a key to our future relations
another nice point was around nations occupying mid space of another to influence rather than substantative relationship
September 11, 2020
An awesome book written by a great mind seen through the details of the chapters
The story of immense opportunities Indian foreign policy can create,the misses of history are really thought provoking
Specially the relevance of Mahabharata in current realpolitik is very impressive
The chapter on Relationships with Japan and ASEAN is an eye opener
Will have to read it again to fully comprehend the great thoughts
The story of immense opportunities Indian foreign policy can create,the misses of history are really thought provoking
Specially the relevance of Mahabharata in current realpolitik is very impressive
The chapter on Relationships with Japan and ASEAN is an eye opener
Will have to read it again to fully comprehend the great thoughts
October 6, 2020
A brilliant take on India's foreign policy. Must read for anyone willing to understand India's position on the world stage. 'Krishna's Choice' was my favorite chapter where Jaishankar's analogies aptly explain India's past choices with regard to its policy towards its neighbors and Kashmir.
September 26, 2020
"People often ask why US-China relations are worsening now but rather they could ask a better question, how it has been going well for last 2 decades"
"For last two decades China wad winning without fighting and US was just fighting without winning"
"For last two decades China wad winning without fighting and US was just fighting without winning"
September 28, 2020
Very well explained about the changing world, the waning of Globalization, and the waxing of Nationalism within major players of the world. He meticulously explained Realism and its importance in the present and future times. His experience in foreign affairs can be well experienced by his sensibly use of words and opinions. My personal favorite chapter is "Krishna's choice" where is brilliantly compared characters and stories of Mahabharata with India's strategies. He has written it as a foreign secretary and not as a politician, so you won't see any political inclined opinion or biases. He is a great thinker and strategist. Go for it if you want to update your knowledge.
September 12, 2020
This book is not just for the strategists, but for everyone who wants a glimpse of the world from India's perspective. Another reason for suggesting this book is for its writer, Dr. S. Jaishankar (Minister of External Affairs of India) who certainly is what one would call 'A believable person' in this arena.
December 23, 2023
Glad i read the book. Got to know things work. It easy to judge from outside. Real work is something ineffable.
January 16, 2021
World is changing and becoming more uncertain nowadays. 'The world is clearly not what it was until just recently,' S. Jaishankar (rightly) asserts in the epilogue of this book. Multilaterism and multipolar world will make decision-taking more difficult.
Because, 'there will be convergence with many but congruence with none,' as the author points out. It would be a time for India, he writes, 'to engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play, draw neighbours in, extend the neighbourhood and expand traditional constituencies of support.' Therefore, it is very complex task for an aspiring superpower.
Spanning over 8 chapters (or essays), the book discusses the important aspects of the Indian foreign policy--the complicated work of diplomacy, the US of America, the strategic culture of India, the dogmas of Delhi, the rise of China, a role of the West, the Japan factor, a revival of Indo-pacific region etc.--in details.
The most wonderful essay, which I liked the most, was the third, named 'Krishna's Choice', in which the author compares the present-day foreign policy with the characters of the Mahabharata, an ancient Indian epic. It shows his ability to think deeply. The fourth essay, titled 'The Dogmas of Delhi', explains the evolution of Indian Foreign policy in six phases and how the choices changed with each time according to our interests. He also suggests the five steps for future calculations in that essay. These two essays, in my view, forms the most significant part of this book.
He correctly notes that '[t]he balance sheet for India's foreign policy after seven decades presents a mixed picture'. The reason for it is the world is constantly changing--from the bipolar to unipolar to again multipolar. Our interests also change and so are strategies. Thus, he says, '[s]eventy years of foreign policy certainly offer a lot of lessons'.
Coming to literary style, the book is primarily the collection of incumbent External Affairs Minister's speeches given at various occasions. Jargon-laden, it might feel like gobbledygook to a reader who is not aware with the terminologies of international relations and foreign policy. Primary knowledge of the subject is required to start reading this work.
The book, however, is a recommended read because it shows the perspective of the policymakers—and that's refreshing.
Because, 'there will be convergence with many but congruence with none,' as the author points out. It would be a time for India, he writes, 'to engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play, draw neighbours in, extend the neighbourhood and expand traditional constituencies of support.' Therefore, it is very complex task for an aspiring superpower.
Spanning over 8 chapters (or essays), the book discusses the important aspects of the Indian foreign policy--the complicated work of diplomacy, the US of America, the strategic culture of India, the dogmas of Delhi, the rise of China, a role of the West, the Japan factor, a revival of Indo-pacific region etc.--in details.
The most wonderful essay, which I liked the most, was the third, named 'Krishna's Choice', in which the author compares the present-day foreign policy with the characters of the Mahabharata, an ancient Indian epic. It shows his ability to think deeply. The fourth essay, titled 'The Dogmas of Delhi', explains the evolution of Indian Foreign policy in six phases and how the choices changed with each time according to our interests. He also suggests the five steps for future calculations in that essay. These two essays, in my view, forms the most significant part of this book.
He correctly notes that '[t]he balance sheet for India's foreign policy after seven decades presents a mixed picture'. The reason for it is the world is constantly changing--from the bipolar to unipolar to again multipolar. Our interests also change and so are strategies. Thus, he says, '[s]eventy years of foreign policy certainly offer a lot of lessons'.
Coming to literary style, the book is primarily the collection of incumbent External Affairs Minister's speeches given at various occasions. Jargon-laden, it might feel like gobbledygook to a reader who is not aware with the terminologies of international relations and foreign policy. Primary knowledge of the subject is required to start reading this work.
The book, however, is a recommended read because it shows the perspective of the policymakers—and that's refreshing.
September 10, 2020
One of the best books ever written on Indian diplomacy and the international relations matrix.
September 8, 2020
A very current, concise and erudite read into the creation of a new world order, with alliances between uneasy ideologies in a more multipolar world!!
Highlighting the major events that shaped the Indian Way, and how destiny is still up for grabs!!
Highlighting the major events that shaped the Indian Way, and how destiny is still up for grabs!!
September 9, 2020
Excellent book
Excellent book, explains key focus areas for India in lucid fashion. Strongly recommend this book for anyone interested in current day politics, diplomacy and how to read global tea leaves and adapt.
Excellent book, explains key focus areas for India in lucid fashion. Strongly recommend this book for anyone interested in current day politics, diplomacy and how to read global tea leaves and adapt.
January 16, 2021
While reading this book, I took down many notes - it is filled with great information and strategy. It is one of the best books to understand India's foreign policy written by, none other than the current Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar.
May 23, 2023
4 ⭐️
Blunt, candid, frank, free-spoken, outspoken, plainspoken, point-blank, straight-from-the-shoulder etc etc. He is an articulate and apt diplomat.
Blunt, candid, frank, free-spoken, outspoken, plainspoken, point-blank, straight-from-the-shoulder etc etc. He is an articulate and apt diplomat.
February 4, 2021
It is an excellent book written by the incumbent external affairs minister of India. Through a fantastic narrative built through extensive use of superb anecdotes, the author gives a glimpse of policy making in the external affairs domain. The author makes a strong case for India to play a greater role in global affairs. This is a must read for any foreign policy enthusiast.
January 10, 2021
What a brilliant, articulate mind on top of his game with a firm understanding on the realities of the World and the diplomacy games that need to be played. India should be proud to have this guy at the helm of external affairs.
October 29, 2020
More focused on what ought to be rather than what is. The writing is dull. Some insights into India's future foreign policy course are valuable.
November 30, 2020
Written by a sitting foreign minister with a diplomatic career of around 40 years, this book does offer insight into the current and future direction of India's foreign policy.
The book is written in a quintessentially diplomatic manner, with allusions to certain facts and positions. It still manages to convey the idea. But it also allows the idea to be more of a general direction in the future which you'd largely not go astray from, which is why you can't pin it down to specifics.
The book starts with establishing that a new world order is in play today. Forget poles of power, the world is in fact moving away from multilateralism towards plurilateralism, with greater regional focus. Nationalism revival and domination of territorial interests are replacing the previous order which stressed on multilateralism and consensus building. The previous way of building consensus through multilateralism was a channel for great powers – especially the US – to cut deals that maintained its position of dominance. The author suggests that this is changing now, and it gives a real opportunity for India to rise.
The author has been the Ambassador to the US and China, and there are two dedicated chapters to evaluating this relationship. With the US, India's history of engagement is traced to establish how the present equation is closer than ever before, and will only be stronger as the US finds India as a strategic partner with stable democratic and value systems that the US can engage with. The author explores China not just in relation to India, but rightly in relation to the status it intends to project as a world leader as well as its regional domination in East Asia and the Pacific.
There is a separate chapter on Japan and the Pacific (ASEAN). The author considers Japan to be a crucial partner that India must get more familiar with as we move to extend our influence beyond South Asia (chapter's rightly titled 'A Delayed Destiny'). On ASEAN, the author lists our successful past engagements as well as strategic positioning that is currently underway with greater gusto. Another chapter on India's own region – South Asia and the Indian Ocean – lays down the importance of cultural and structural links to the region that must be revived if India is to engage itself in the larger world game, keeping in mind that regional power will be essential for any nation to assert itself on the world stage.
Our historic foreign policy is also evaluated, not entirely unfavourably, highlighting the achievements and missed opportunities with parallels to the Mahabharata. The policy of non-alignment is all but junked as a remnant of the past that has no place in our future policy. It is in fact touted to be harmful to India's interests (chapter's titled 'The Dogmas of Delhi').
For me, two issues really stuck out. First, the complete lack of emphasis on ties with Pakistan, except for calling it out as a nation that promotes terror and must be dealt with strongly. Other than highlighting our history with the country and indicating its linkages with China and the US that need to be seen carefully, there's no charting out of engagement with the country nor a word on how to deal with Pakistan's future engagement on J&K (which is more important in light of the removal of Article 370). Second, the whole present border kerfuffle with China would have happened after the book was completed. The author does not seem to anticipate our longest border skirmish with the country in history, nor does he chart out any viable process on how to deal with China in an unexpected situation. That really throws a pall on the robustness of the literature here. But like I said, lots of it is generically worded enough to cover almost any eventuality anyway – quintessentially diplomatic.
Post Script: There was great emphasis on India's pluralism and vibrant culture as its great strength when compared to China or other rising powers, and very rightly so. However, I found it ironic in light of the government's own moves such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 that led to immense backlash. The backlash was founded on the view that this law is an attack on the very plural nature of our polity that the author celebrates. While the author recognises a revival of the assertion of national identities across the world and in India as well, I can only wonder what version of this assertion he would support.
The book is written in a quintessentially diplomatic manner, with allusions to certain facts and positions. It still manages to convey the idea. But it also allows the idea to be more of a general direction in the future which you'd largely not go astray from, which is why you can't pin it down to specifics.
The book starts with establishing that a new world order is in play today. Forget poles of power, the world is in fact moving away from multilateralism towards plurilateralism, with greater regional focus. Nationalism revival and domination of territorial interests are replacing the previous order which stressed on multilateralism and consensus building. The previous way of building consensus through multilateralism was a channel for great powers – especially the US – to cut deals that maintained its position of dominance. The author suggests that this is changing now, and it gives a real opportunity for India to rise.
The author has been the Ambassador to the US and China, and there are two dedicated chapters to evaluating this relationship. With the US, India's history of engagement is traced to establish how the present equation is closer than ever before, and will only be stronger as the US finds India as a strategic partner with stable democratic and value systems that the US can engage with. The author explores China not just in relation to India, but rightly in relation to the status it intends to project as a world leader as well as its regional domination in East Asia and the Pacific.
There is a separate chapter on Japan and the Pacific (ASEAN). The author considers Japan to be a crucial partner that India must get more familiar with as we move to extend our influence beyond South Asia (chapter's rightly titled 'A Delayed Destiny'). On ASEAN, the author lists our successful past engagements as well as strategic positioning that is currently underway with greater gusto. Another chapter on India's own region – South Asia and the Indian Ocean – lays down the importance of cultural and structural links to the region that must be revived if India is to engage itself in the larger world game, keeping in mind that regional power will be essential for any nation to assert itself on the world stage.
Our historic foreign policy is also evaluated, not entirely unfavourably, highlighting the achievements and missed opportunities with parallels to the Mahabharata. The policy of non-alignment is all but junked as a remnant of the past that has no place in our future policy. It is in fact touted to be harmful to India's interests (chapter's titled 'The Dogmas of Delhi').
For me, two issues really stuck out. First, the complete lack of emphasis on ties with Pakistan, except for calling it out as a nation that promotes terror and must be dealt with strongly. Other than highlighting our history with the country and indicating its linkages with China and the US that need to be seen carefully, there's no charting out of engagement with the country nor a word on how to deal with Pakistan's future engagement on J&K (which is more important in light of the removal of Article 370). Second, the whole present border kerfuffle with China would have happened after the book was completed. The author does not seem to anticipate our longest border skirmish with the country in history, nor does he chart out any viable process on how to deal with China in an unexpected situation. That really throws a pall on the robustness of the literature here. But like I said, lots of it is generically worded enough to cover almost any eventuality anyway – quintessentially diplomatic.
Post Script: There was great emphasis on India's pluralism and vibrant culture as its great strength when compared to China or other rising powers, and very rightly so. However, I found it ironic in light of the government's own moves such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 that led to immense backlash. The backlash was founded on the view that this law is an attack on the very plural nature of our polity that the author celebrates. While the author recognises a revival of the assertion of national identities across the world and in India as well, I can only wonder what version of this assertion he would support.
June 28, 2023
The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World (Hardcover ) by S. Jaishankar- For achieving success, each person has a strategy. Our External Affairs Minister also plans the way forward for diplomacy for a shinning India in the world. The book narrates three historic facts in India’s External affairs Policy (1) the 1947 Partition, which reduced the nation both demographically and politically. An unintended consequence was to give China more strategic space in Asia. (2) the delayed economic reforms that were undertaken a decade and a half after those of China and far more ambivalently. The fifteen-year gap in capabilities continues to put India at a great disadvantage. (3) is the prolonged exercise of the nuclear option.” The most plausible way to overcome this troika of blunders will be to go all out on inclusivity. Author asserts that “India has to engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play”. In one chapter, author discusses Both Narasimha Rao and Narendra Modi provided the world a casus belli to trust India and regard it as a future economic and political powerhouse capable of not just influencing but shaping world polity. In another essay titled, “The Dogmas of Delhi, Overcoming the Hesitations of History”, Jaishankar reasserts the relevance and importance of parting with well entrenched dogmas that otherwise serve as sacrosanct relics. India, to its great credit has absorbed this philosophy in the recent past. While the first few decades of the post-Independence era witnessed trends alternating between a policy of Non-Alignment and an inextricable yet explainable alliance with the erstwhile Soviet Union to counter the threat posed by a Sino-US-Pak alliance, the last decade or so has seen a tectonic shift in India’s geopolitical strategy and ambition. “The relevance of the US or China is far more than anytime earlier. The Russian relationship may have defied odds by remaining incredibly steady. But it is the exception, not the rule. Japan has now become an important factor in our calculations. The rediscovery of Europe is also underway, with France now a critical strategic partner. The Gulf has been bridged in an extraordinarily effective manner. ASEAN has grown closer, and Australia’s relevance is more apparent. A strong sense of the extended neighbourhood is apparent. Africa is the focus of development assistance and opening of new Embassies. And as evident from diplomatic activities, our outreach extends from South America and the Caribbean to the South Pacific and Baltics. Closer home, there is an unprecedented investment in the neighbourhood whose consequences are becoming apparent. Put together, the scale and intensity of our global engagement would be difficult to recognize for someone dealing with it even a few years ago.” India has, under some astute leadership tried hard to come out of the cocoon of self-absorption into a world of intricate geopolitical play. Whether in involves concluding White Shipping agreements with seventeen nations, providing coastal surveillance radars to eight of them, naval capabilities to six, and establishing an Integrated Fusion Centre for Maritime Domain Awareness, India has displayed a bent of resolve, that has been, putting it mildly, admirable and refreshing. Unlike the BRI, India has not worked its way to seduce any country into the vice like grip of a debt trap. Jaishankar’s contention leads the reader to recollect the calamitous experience of Hambantota in Sri Lanka and the more recent Électricité du Laos, the Laos state owned electricity company, episodes which unraveled the “snake in the grass” perfidy that is the handmaiden of any generous Chinese assistance. In sheer contradistinction, as Jaishankar illustrates, India has been the epitome of transparency and camaraderie. “Overall, it has offered 300 Lines of Credit (LoC) to sixty-four countries involving 540 projects. The bulk of the LoCs and projects are with Africa, now at 321 projects involving 205 LoCs. In addition, India currently has 181 projects in Asia, thirty-two in Latin America and Caribbean and three each in Central Asia and Oceania.” In another essay titled “Of Mandarins and Masses, Public Opinion and the West”, Jaishankar stirs a hornet’s nest when he claims “it may be hard for diplomats to digest, but the Indian Street has often displayed better instincts than Lutyens’ Delhi when it comes to assessing opportunities and risks abroad.” This Chapter also alludes to an increasing spurt of nationalization across the globe that may well turn out to be the “X-Factor” in future global relations. However, the nationalism which Jaishankar talks here is not a neologism that stands for either totalitarianism or autarky. These days, it has become a fashion to spawn syllogisms that create ideologies out of incidents and make mountains out of molehills. Hence, we have a veritable terminology soup that is at once bewildering and exasperating. ‘Wokeism’, ‘Woke capitalism’, ‘Social Justice movement’, ‘Progressive Movement’ have all infiltrated the lexicon of daily life and confounded an already sizeable confusion. However, the nationalism, promulgated by Jaishankar, is one that appears, “in different sizes and shapes, can be assertive, reactive or just expressive. The confident category reflects the real and psychological outcome of shifts in the world power hierarchy. It is represented by the rise of nations like China and India, of a continent like Asia and the consequent rebalancing of the global order.” India is no exception to the global order. Unshackled by a need for protectionism, India’s inclusive brand of nationalism, one that has brought about a paradigm shift in thinking, “does not translate into an ‘us versus the world’ mentality. For reasons that derive from our innate pluralism, there is a tradition of reconciling the nationalism with global engagement. Not driven by victimhood, it has the potential to serve as a bridge between the established and emerging orders.” This pluralism finds its métier in India’s sincere and benevolent outreach. A growing commitment to trans-national highway construction, multi-modal transport initiatives, railway modernization, inland waterways, coastal shipping, and port development underlines its seriousness. In fact, better logistics has become the dominant theme of India’s neighbourhood outreach. India’s cooperation agenda today covers white shipping, blue economy, disaster response, anti-piracy and counterterrorism, as well as hydrography. One of the highlights of the book is an essay titled “The Nimzo-Indian Defense, Managing China’s Rise”. Based on the hypermodern opening in the game of chess that was developed by Aron Nimzowitsch who introduced it to master-level chess in the early 20th century, this Chapter provides an overview of Sino-Indian cultural bindings that extends over thousands of years and the simmering undercurrents that project themselves in border disputes covering Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh. At the time the book went to the press, the unfortunate incident of Galwan triggered by Chinese misadventure, and the daring occupation of strategic mountain tops by the Indian Armed Forces. In Indian opinion formation context, this book should be gifted to all members participating in G-20 summit. Indians are indebted to the author for finding time to scribe this book while performing his duties as External Affairs Minister. It is a good read book for all readers.
March 3, 2021
The book is the narration of Former Diplomat and the current External Affairs Minister upon the precipice of the role reversal of the world affairs. The book gives insights of the reflecting predicament and solutions from India’s perspective. It talks about strategies for a national revival that requires a fundamental rethink and a shift from the ideological moorings on predicting policies that will enable India in its brand building. The book is beyond the usual US and China talks and India’s engagement in Japan , ASEAN, Africa , Indo-Pacific , etc at the fulcrum of goodwill and unwavering influence also finds a mention .
My favourite chapter is the “Krishna’s Choice” where Jaishankar draws analogy and the relevance of Mahabharata in current realpolitik which is truly enlightening. Also Satyajit Ray’s movie Shatranj ke Khiladi was spoken in the initial chapters which was in my watchlist since forever, so I took the opportunity to strike off from the list. (To understand the book better ofcourse :P )
Note – Highly recommend this book for those interested in Global Affairs . Also this is NOT a beginners to world affairs book and requires some observations of the past , so choose accordingly.
Happy Reading :)
#IndiaWay
My favourite chapter is the “Krishna’s Choice” where Jaishankar draws analogy and the relevance of Mahabharata in current realpolitik which is truly enlightening. Also Satyajit Ray’s movie Shatranj ke Khiladi was spoken in the initial chapters which was in my watchlist since forever, so I took the opportunity to strike off from the list. (To understand the book better ofcourse :P )
Note – Highly recommend this book for those interested in Global Affairs . Also this is NOT a beginners to world affairs book and requires some observations of the past , so choose accordingly.
Happy Reading :)
#IndiaWay
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