An excellent, thoughtful, and balanced work on the key turning point of the Civil Rights movement. I have often found the discussion around black power/nationalism frustrating and polarized. Scholars and pundits too often are either enamored of these subjects or too fearful and dismissive. MW strikes the balance of empathy and critique in this book, showing how the shift to BP reflected key figures personal experiences and emotions as much as their ideas. I think one key message of this book is that if you had experienced what many of these activists had, you might have radicalized too.
MW explores SNCC, Stokely Carmichael, King, CORE, the Black Panthers, Newton, Cleaver, Hamer, and other figures who straddled the shift from mainstream civil rights (CRM) to black power. For people like Carmichael, the shift was rooted in his personal experience as a SNCC organizer in the Deep South. Stokely's friends were murdered, he was imprisoned and beaten, and he faced violence and racist abuse constantly all at a very young age and became pushed toward black pride and black power as the answer to white racism. Indeed, Carmichael and other activists were sick of going into virtual war zones like Mississippi unarmed, which seemed to them like a death sentence.Other folks like Cleaver and Newton were more medium-level criminals looking for meaning and manhood who gravitated to the black power aesthetic and to local organizing. As white violence continued and change to poverty and discrimination proved slow, many black people asserted the uniqueness of their own culture and the need for a more militant approach to change.
Black power also built on the CRM's loss of momentum. After its huge victories of the mid-60s, the movement fragmented to some degree. MLK shifted focus to racial discrimination and poverty in the North by moving to a Chicago slum, but he was outfoxed by Mayor Daley and unable to rally as much attention to the more impersonal racial inequality of CHicago. He remained a hero, but he didn't quite
retain full credibility with a younger generation looking to assert their pride and defy white culture and power more directly. Thus Malcolm X, despite being assassinated in 1965, became the hero, primary thinker, and inspiration of black power.
I couldn't help feeling a sense of tragedy in this book. I have always felt like the shift to black power was a completely reasonable human response to oppression and degradation. But it also was not all that productive politically and might have even backfired by fueling white backlash. It never had a realistic political program beyond local organizing and, to some extent, supporting local and city political candidates. It was, in many ways, about vibes more than strategy (which, again, is understanable). But it also gave up on the CRM's vision of the interracial pursuit of justice, and in pragmatic terms, a minority of about 12% cannot achieve all that much without white allies.
The radicalization of SNCC illustrates this point. In the mid-60s, SNCC radicals led by Carmichael removed the relative moderate JOhn Lewis from their leadership and eventually purged white members, including longstanding activists who had put their lives on the line to advance civil rights. THe organization became riven by feuds, drugs, a funding crisis after alienating white donors, and unrealistic political demands, and it eventually became defunct. Violent and erratic figures like H Rap Brown and Eldridge Cleaver ascended to the leadership of the Panthers and other BP groups, further radicalizing them without making them any more effective (of course, relentless FBI harassment did not help). In some places, virtual cults formed around some leaders. Others aligned themselves with foreign extremists and dictators in Africa and Asia, further pulling the movement into radical and illiberal territory.
Black power and nationalism gave birth to tremendous innovations in culture, music, thought/criticism, and so on, but as a political movement it was a failure. What made it a tragedy, in my view, was that this path was so understandable. Whitaker shows you the anger and sorrow of people like Carmichael, and you can feel how these experiences would make someone embrace this creed. But Whitaker does not excuse or sugarcoat the sexism, anti-white sentiment, and incompetence of these groups as political movements. This is a judicious history that deserves to be widely read. It offers its readers no easy answers, which is what good history should do.