I studied Farsi in college but have never had an opportunity to visit Iran. I was looking for a book which would give me a sense of what it's like there. This book, which is perhaps a little dated now (although I wouldn't let that stop you from reading it), contains a wealth of information about politics, daily life and religion in Iran. It goes into great detail about political personalities and the struggle between conservatives and reformists. There are also all sorts of great details about what it's like to navigate the country from the immigration desk at the airport to public domains such as hotels, restaurants, taxi cabs and walking on the street as well as private domains such as family homes and gardens.
The author clearly has a lot of affection and respect for Iranian culture, but she pulls no punches when it comes to criticizing the repressive government. It's bad enough that women routinely have to deal with thugs approaching them on the street to instruct them to adjust their scarves to better cover their hair. But the consequences of pushing the boundaries on dress and behavior can sometimes have much more drastic consequences given that there is no real rule of law and that the rules change arbitrarily all the time.
Sciolino wrote this book with 20 years' experience as a journalist covering Iran, so she brought to it the benefit of personal relationships with people in key positions of power in Iran and those close to them. It's fascinating to read about the rise of the reformists in the elections of 1997 and 2000 and their jostling for influence with the conservatives who were and remain determined to maintain a stranglehold on power in the country.
I enjoyed learning more about such colorful characters as former Tehran mayor Gholem-Hosein Karbaschi. He's a guy who knows how to get things done, but there's no doubt he was guilty of at least some of the corruption he was charged with when the conservatives brought him to trial to undermine the reformist agenda. I'm not sure that necessarily makes him a bad guy, though, given that it takes all sorts of creative strategizing to accomplish anything of consequence in that political environment.
Rafsanjani, too, is a multi-dimensional character who can't easily be categorized as either a good guy or a bad guy. But, certainly, Khatami and others of the reformist bent can be placed firmly in the good list in that they have taken on all sorts of personal risks, including prison time, in order to rescue the country from presumably well-meaning individuals who believe that imposing their religion on everyone, no matter what their beliefs are, is the best way to protect the country from outside influences. Others are Abdollah Nouri, a former Khatami cabinet member, Ayatollah Montazeri and both his father and son, and even the Supreme Leader's own brother, Hadi. On the bad-guy list belong those who are determined to do what ever is necessary to protect the status quo no matter who gets hurt or killed as a result.
Other interesting details include the story of Ayatollah Montazeri, chosen early on by Khomeini as his successor, and his subsequent fall from grace due to his public criticisms of repressive practices by the government. Interestingly, he was not jailed for his views as many others have been. Instead, he was allowed to continue to live in his house and to teach students studying to be clerics. Indeed, Shi'ite Islam is all about encouraging a diversity of opinions and allowing everyone to follow the cleric whose opinions most resonate with their own. So it's odd to think that a government led by Shi'ite clerics would be so determined to quash competing points of view by jailing clerics and other members of society the way the Islamic Republic does.
There are many stories about mainstream Iranians and the problems they face in their daily lives. And there are others which describe problems faced by women and minorities in particular. Baha'is in particular face severe challenges because their religion is considered invalid in that it was established after Mohammed, who is believed to have been the seal of the prophets whom no others can follow. Baha'is are required to serve in the army and to pay taxes, but they have no rights and can have their passports or property seized for virtually any reason. But it's bad enough for Jews, who are routinely rounded up and put on trial for spying for Israel or other absurd charges, and Christians, whose schools and churches are, by law, overseen by Muslims though they do not benefit from the large bonyads (foundations) which fund mosques.
I regret that this review is coming across as so negative because there are actually many positive aspects of Iran discussed in the book. The centuries-long tradition of Persian poetry, for example, and beautiful architectural landmarks in places like Shiraz and Esfahan. Cultural events like the Persian New Year, inspired by the Zoroastrian religion native to Iran, are likewise described in detail along with many examples of the constructive ways Iranians go about creating a meaningful life for themselves despite the repressive environment they face.
And, of course, Iran and Islam don't have a monopoly on religious-inspired repression. There was, for example, a story in the book about a female student who was not allowed to take a test at her college because her coat was too short, a story which reminded me of a similar incident which happened at BYU in my hometown of Provo, Utah. That latter incident became famous when the student wrote a letter to the editor of the student newspaper describing the encounter, which resulted from the fact that she was wearing jeans, which weren't allowed at BYU at that time. The solution, she wrote, was to remove her jeans underneath her winter coat in order to gain access into the testing center to take her test. That letter is occasionally republished in the student newspaper along with other memorable letters from across the decades.
In any case, it's clear that Iran will have to change to accommodate the younger generation, who sees no point in social restrictions which have no real benefit to them. And, already in 2000, Sciolino notes that positive change is apparent.
Undoubtedly, the US has undermined Iran over the years. But, in many cases, Iran has brought this on herself. Toward the end of the book, the author points out that our two countries have many goals in common, and she predicts that this will bring us together eventually. Indeed, the democratic tendencies of the Islamic Republic, despite conservative attempts to undermine it, could serve as a model for the rest of the Middle East once they work out more of the kinks. (And God knows that America has enough problems with its own democracy which, likewise, needs major reforms 15 years into the 21st century!)
Finally, I wanted to mention briefly that I read this book side-by-side with Jamie Maslin's _Iranian Rappers and Persian Porn_ and Roger Housden's _Saved By Beauty_. The three books together gave me a combined sense of Iran that I wouldn't have gotten by reading only one or two of them. Housden's is a little more esoteric, focusing on Persian art and philosophy. And Maslin's book was a fun travelogue and a quick read if a little heavy on the details of his partying with mindless hedonists. If you have limited time to devote to reading, I'd go with this book over either of the other two. However, if you're really more interested in a travelogue then an in-depth book about Iranian society, one of those other two books is probably more what you are looking for.
update: Hooman Majd's _The Ayatollah Begs to Differ: The Paradox of Modern Iran_ is an excellent companian volume to this one. If you're not all that interested in a deep look at Iranian society, go with the Maslin travelogue. Otherwise, Majd and Sciolino are the best books I know of on this subject. I am less enamored of Roger Housden's _Saved By Beauty_, mostly because it's very slow and easy to put down. But I'll revisit this review once I've actually finished that book as I want to give it a sporting chance.