4.5 stars.
I saw a tweet once that called Latour, pejoratively, Malcolm Gladwell for academics. I have never read Malcolm Gladwell, except for the first chapter of Outliers when I was much younger waiting for my parents to finish shopping at Costco. But I know many Marxists who have lots of disdain for Latour, and I think I get it; he sometimes says annoying things and occasionally makes apparent his anti-Marxism. All this being said, I really enjoy reading Latour. And I really enjoyed reading this book. I'm slightly embarrassed about it, but if I'm honest he's very fun to read. His prose is just very enjoyable, and I love how his mind works, even if I find his political objections to Marxist analysis unconvincing.
The butchered summary of Latour’s argument here is exactly as the title says, we have never been modern in the sense of that hierarchy that characterizes civilization by its capacity to distinguish between nature and culture. Throughout the centuries of so-called modernity, there has never been a successful separation between nature and culture, nor is the subject-object dichotomy ever actualized either. The hole in the ozone layer is Latour’s example of this hybrid between nature and culture.
The Crisis of Latour’s first section/chapter concerns three distinct critical approaches:
“naturalization, socialization and deconstruction. Let us use E.O. Wilson, Pierre Bourdieu, and Jacques Derrida - a bit unfairly - as emblematic figures of these three tacks. When the first speaks of naturalized phenomena, then societies, subjects, and all forms of discourse vanish. When the second speaks of fields of power, then science, technology, texts, and the contents of activities disappear. When the third speaks of truth effects, then to believe in the real existence of brain neurons or power plays would betray enormous naiveté.”
Latour goes on to present his ultimatum in defense of actor network theory:
“Either the networks my colleagues in science studies and I have traced do not really exist, and the critics are quite right to marginalize them or segment them into three distinct sets: facts, power and discourse; or the networks are as we have described them, and they do cross the borders of the great fiefdoms of criticism: they are neither objective nor social, nor are they effects of discourse, even though they are real, and collective, and discursive… Yes, the scientific facts are indeed constructed, but they cannot be reduced to the social dimension because this dimension is populated by objects mobilized to construct it. Yes, those objects are real but they look so much like social actors that they cannot be reduced to the reality 'out there' invented by the philosophers of science. The agent of this double construction - science with society and society with science - emerges out of a set of practices that the notion of deconstruction grasps as badly as possible.”
In the second section, Constitution, Latour rather extensively critiques Shapin and Schaffer’s book for explaining things solely by appealing to social power, in the mode of realpolitik, rather than recognizing the agency and power of objects and Boyle’s capacity to speak on behalf of mute objects that have such power. These are some excerpts on Hobbes and Boyle:
“Far from 'situating Boyle's scientific works in their social context' or showing how politics 'presses in upon' scientific doctrines, they examine how Boyle and Hobbes fought to invent a science, a context, and a demarcation between the two. They are not prepared to explain the content by the context, since neither existed in this new way before Boyle and Hobbes reached their respective goals and settled their differences.
The beauty of Shapin and Schaffer's book stems from their success in unearthing Hobbes's scientific works - which had been neglected by political scientists, because they were embarrassed by the wild mathematical imaginings of their hero - and in rescuing from oblivion Boyle's political theories - which had been neglected by historians of science because they preferred to conceal their hero's organizational efforts. Instead of setting up an asymmetry, instead of distributing science to Boyle and political theory to Hobbes, Shapin and Schaffer outline a rather nice quadrant: Boyle has a science and a political theory; Hobbes has a political theory and a science.
…But by good fortune, they agree on almost everything. They want a king, a Parliament, a docile and unified Church, and they are fervent subscribers to mechanistic philosophy. But even though both are thoroughgoing rationalists, their opinions diverge as to what can be expected from experimentation, from scientific reasoning, from political argument - and above all from the air pump, the real hero of the story.”
At times, Latour’s time as doctoral student in philosophical theology shines through:
For Hobbes, Power is Knowledge, which amounts to saying that there can exist only one Knowledge and only one Power if civil wars are to be brought to an end. This is why the major portion of Leviathan is devoted to an exegesis of the Old and New Testaments. One of the great dangers for civil peace comes from the belief in immaterial bodies such as spirits, phantoms or souls, to which people appeal against the judgements of civil power. Antigone might be dangerous when she proclaims the superiority of piety over Creon's 'reasons of State'; the egalitarians, the Levellers and the Diggers are much more so when they invoke the active powers of matter and the free interpretation of the Bible in order to disobey their legitimate princes. Inert and mechanical matter is as essential to civil peace as a purely symbolic interpretation of the Bible. In both cases, it behoves us to avoid at all costs the possibility that the factions may invoke a higher Entity - Nature or God - which the Sovereign does not fully control.
Latour critiques the contextualists in this way:
“Contextualists start from the principle that a social macro-context exists - England, the dynastic quarrel, Capitalism, Revolution, Merchants, the Church - and that this context in some way influences, forms, reflects, has repercussions for, and exercises pressure on 'ideas about' matter, the air's spring, vacuums, and Torricelli tubes. But they never explain the prior establishment of a link connecting God, the King, Parliament, and some bird suffocating in the transparent closed chamber of a pump whose air is being removed by means of a crank operated by a technician. How can the bird's experience translate, displace, transport, distort all the other con troversies, in such a way that those who master the pump also master the King, God, and the entire context?”
“Trained in the framework of the social study of sciences, they seem to accept the limitations imposed by the Edinburgh school: if all questions of epistemology are questions of social order, this is because, when all is said and done, the social context contains as one of its subsets the definition of what counts as good science. Such an asymmetry renders Shapin and Schaffer less well equipped to deconstruct the macro-social context than Nature 'out there'. They seem to believe that a society 'up there' actually exists, and that it accounts for the failure of Hobbes's programme.”
“Our authors are thus 'seeing double' themselves, and walking sideways, criticizing science but swallowing politics as the only valid source of explanation. Now who offers us this asymmetric way of explaining knowledge through power? Hobbes again, with his construction of a monist macro-structure in which knowledge has a place only in support of the social order.”
Now for Latour on the Constitution of the Moderns and its guarantees (a constitution over both humans and nonhumans):
““f we are to understand the final obstacle separating us from an anthropology of science, we have to deconstruct Hobbes's constitutional invention according to which there is such a thing as a macro-society much sturdier and more robust than Nature.”
“As with any Constitution, this one has to be measured by the guarantees it offers. The natural power that Boyle and his many scientific descendants defined in opposition to Hobbes, the power that allows mute objects to speak through the intermediary of loyal and disciplined scientific spokespersons, offers a significant guarantee: it is not men who make Nature; Nature has always existed and has always already been there; we are only discovering its secrets. The political power that Hobbes and his many political descendants define in opposition to Boyle has citizens speak with one voice through the translation and betrayal of a sovereign, who says only what they say. This power offers an equally significant guarantee: human beings, and only human beings, are the ones who construct society and freely determine their own destiny.”
“…these two constitutional guarantees must not be taken separately, as if the first assured the nonhumanity of Nature and the second the humanity of the social sphere. They were created together. They reinforce each other. The first and second guarantees serve as counterweight to one another, as checks and balances. They are nothing but the two branches of a single new government.”
“they add a third constitutional guarantee: there shall exist a complete separation between the natural world (constructed, nevertheless, by man) and the social world (sustained, nevertheless, by things); secondly, there shall exist a total separation between the work of hybrids and the work of purification.”
He elsewhere characterizes the third guarantee as:
“Nature and Society must remain absolutely distinct: the work of purification must remain absolutely distinct from the work of mediation.”
That is, both Hobbes and Boyle made great efforts to expunge their respective domains from the other, Hobbes to purify the natural from the social, and Boyle to purify the social from the natural. This is the modern world that is coming into being where the mediation that the laboratory performs to represent things/objects is kept separate from the mediation that the social contract performs to represent citizens/subjects.
The fourth guarantee is the crossed-out God; it settled “the question of God by removing Him for ever from the dual social and natural construction, while leaving Him presentable and usable neverthe less. Hobbes's and Boyle's followers succeeded in carrying out this task the former by ridding Nature of any divine presence, the latter by ridding Society of any divine origin. Scientific power 'no longer needed this hypothesis'; as for statesmen, they could fabricate the 'mortal god' of the Leviathan without troubling themselves further about the immortal God whose Scripture was now interpreted only figuratively by the Sovereign. No one is truly modern who does not agree to keep God from interfering with Natural Law as well as with the laws of the Republic. God becomes the crossed-out God of metaphysics, as different from the premodern God of the Christians…”
Finally, for Latour, the paradox of modernity is that actually the total separation between nature and culture never practically holds. We are constantly dealing with hybrids in the normal course of everyday life. Strangely this modern constitution denies the possibility of hybrids (monsters, cyborgs, tricksters) while simultaneously enabling their proliferation. And they are everyone, almost everything is a hybrid for Latour.
In Latour’s third section, Revolution, Latour discuses his notion of quasi-objects, which are the hybrids that lie somewhere between nature and culture. However, this framing produces poles of a dichotomy — an unsatisfying dualism that exists to solve the contradiction that objects are nothing but projections/constructions of human minds and that objects are all that exist and totally determine everything (rendering any form of social construction invisible).
Latour instead suggests that objects co-produce society with humans. They are a part of society, of the social (not just nature). They are also more real, harder, than just mere social constructions.
In the fourth section, Relativism, Latour tells anthropologists to “come home from the tropics” and study both humans and nonhumans simultaneously (who he says share symmetrical capacities for agency) while not making a priori distinctions between Westerners and others:
“Why does the West see itself this way? Why would the West and only the West not be a culture? In order to understand the Great Divide between Us and Them, we have to go back to that other Great Divide between humans and nonhumans that I defined above. In effect, the first is the exportation of the second. We Westerners cannot be one culture among others, since we also mobilize Nature. We do not mobilize an image or a symbolic representation of Nature, the way the other societies do, but Nature as it is, or at least as it is known to the sciences - which remain in the background, unstudied, unstudiable, miraculously con flared with Nature itself. Thus at the heart of the question of relativism we find the question of science. If Westerners had been content with trading and conquering, looting and dominating, they would not distinguish themselves radically from other tradespeople and conquerors. But no, they invented science, an activity totally distinct from conquest and trade, politics and morality. Even those who have tried, in the name of cultural relativism, to defend the continuity of cultures without ordering them in a progressive series, and without isolating them in their separate prisons (Levi-Strauss, [1952] 1987), think they can do this only by bringing them as close as possible to the sciences.”
He proposes a new principle of symmetry that starts explanations from quasi-objects that lie between the nature and society poles. And then, in his fifth section, Redistribution, he proposes a nonmodern constitution that makes place for these hybrids. That is making space for these quasi-objects to act, speak, and be represented:
“Epistemologists wondered about scientific realism and the faithfulness of science to things; political scientists wondered about the representative system and the relative faithfulness of elected officials and spokespersons. All had in common a hatred of intermediaries and a desire for an immediate world, emptied of its mediators. All thought that this was the price of faithful representation, without ever understanding that the solution to their problem lay in the other branch of government.
In the course of this essay, I have shown what happened once science studies re-examined such a division of labour…
There are not two problems of representation, just one. There are not two branches, only one, whose products can be distinguished only late in the game, and after being examined together. Scientists appear to be betraying external reality only because they are constructing their societies and their natures at the same time. The Sovereign appears to be betraying his constituents only because he is churning together both citizens and the enormous mass of nonhumans that allow the Leviathan to hold up.”
“Let one of the representatives talk, for instance, about the ozone hole, another represent the Monsanto chemical industry, a third the workers of the same chemical industry, another the voters of New Hampshire, a fifth the meteorology of the polar regions; let still another speak in the name of the State; what does it matter, so long as they are all talking about the same thing, about a quasi-object they have all created, the object-discourse-nature-society whose new properties astound us all and whose network extends from my refrigerator to the Antarctic by way of chemistry, law, the State, the economy, and satellites.”