Colin Ward talks to David Goodway. They are not so much “talking anarchy” as they are talking about “talking anarchy,” which is considerably less interesting. Much of the book is Ward discussing people who influenced his thinking and answering questions regarding his writings for various journals.
There are several things I appreciate about Ward: his wish to “break the sound barrier” in order to reach a broad audience; his “concentration on ‘anarchist applications’ or ‘anarchist solutions’ to ‘immediate issues in which people are actually likely to get involved….’” (15) and his scorn for “anarchists’ obsession with the history, whether glorious or infamous, of their tradition” (19). I also appreciate his emphasis on anarchism’s importance insofar as it is a theory of organization.
I have many complaints about Ward and this book. Regarding the aforementioned “immediate issues,” he tends to state positions without discussing them, let alone sufficiently arguing or supporting them. Reading him, one does not gain new insight on those issues. Goodway’s questions and comments do not do much to encourage him to answer otherwise.
In the Introduction, Goodway summarizes a centrally important tenet of Ward’s: social transformation will not occur through a dramatic revolution, “but rather a prolonged situation of dual power in the age-old struggle between authoritarian and libertarian tendencies, with outright victory for either tendency most improbable” (13).
The former part of that quote is obvious enough without need of mention: dramatic revolution is not nigh upon us in the U.S. But the latter part of that quote is an important acknowledgement: that anarchism is essentially incapable of a majoritarian politics. I appreciate this recognition—it is what sets him apart from anarchists I have encountered who, when pressed to explain the relevance of their politics to most ordinary people, essentially defer to some vague notion of leading by example, and a hope for others to follow, leading to a great number of people to convert their relationships and lifestyles to anarchism. When people give this answer, I tend to think that they aren’t being honest with themselves or are naively and terrifically misguided.
Ward acknowledges that living by example will not lead many to join the cause. His sort of anarchism accepts that it will be limited to the enlightened few. Assuming that anarchism even succeeds at social transformation for the involved minority (which I think is debatable), anarchism amounts to a personal lifestyle project. But I think that other anarchists would contend that anarchism has a greater relevance. However, anarchism ironically has ineffectiveness in common with vanguardist socialist or communist orientations, both of which anarchism is against. This orientation (as well s the latter two) strike me as problematic, because it ultimately adds up to inactivity in face of the reality that most people, “unreached” by the enlightened example, are oppressed and exploited. Worse, leading ideologically-charged minority action, rather than organizing the majority of “ordinary” people and developing their consciousness, is often alienating to the majority. Ward acknowledges this when reflecting on syndicalism, which he identifies as “the only approach compatible with anarchism:” “I have frequently seen the attempts by a militant minority to push minor disputes into an ultimate struggle, inevitably losing majority support and causing ordinary workers to fear militancy” (29).¬ Ward does not provide insight for how anarchism is to be applied to the workplace, arguably the most important site of struggle in society.
Another reason for anarchism’s generally isolated activity (though not discussed much in this book) is anarchists’ tendency to take their commitment to organizing people without coercion--a good thing--to an extreme, by which they fear organizing other people who aren’t already converted. Such an anxiety to not act coercively encourages inactivity or isolation and ultimately, renders anarchists complicit with the miserable existence of the majority. Ward’s likely response to all of this is that he is merely a propagandist (something he reminds the reader many times throughout the book); writing to inspire others to take action. Fair enough, but that makes for rather less interesting reflection for this book.
I’ve found anarchist theory to be revealing for purposes of understanding the role of the state in society. I’ve found anarchist practice to be interesting for purposes of the adaptation of tactics to community organizing. Reading this book does not cause me to consider anarchism compelling for a political identity or lifestyle.