An inside view of Chinese academia and what it reveals about China’s political system
On January 1, 2017, Daniel Bell was appointed dean of the School of Political Science and Public Administration at Shandong University―the first foreign dean of a political science faculty in mainland China’s history. In The Dean of Shandong, Bell chronicles his experiences as what he calls “a minor bureaucrat,” offering an inside account of the workings of Chinese academia and what they reveal about China’s political system. It wasn’t all smooth sailing―Bell wryly recounts sporadic bungles and misunderstandings―but Bell’s post as dean provides a unique vantage point on China today.
Bell, neither a Chinese citizen nor a member of the Chinese Communist Party, was appointed as dean because of his scholarly work on Confucianism―but soon found himself coping with a variety of issues having little to do with scholarship or Confucius. These include the importance of hair color and the prevalence of hair-dyeing among university administrators, both male and female; Shandong’s drinking culture, with endless toasts at every shared meal; and some unintended consequences of an intensely competitive academic meritocracy. As dean, he also confronts weightier the role at the university of the Party secretary, the national anticorruption campaign and its effect on academia (Bell asks provocatively, “What’s wrong with corruption?”), and formal and informal modes of censorship. Considering both the revival of Confucianism in China over the last three decades and what he calls “the Communist comeback” since 2008, Bell predicts that China’s political future is likely to be determined by both Confucianism and Communism.
Daniel A. Bell is Chair Professor of the Schwarzman Scholar Program at Tsinghua University in Beijing and director of the Berggruen Institute of Philosophy and Culture. He was born in Montreal, educated at McGill and Oxford, has taught in Singapore and Hong Kong, and has held research fellowships at Princeton’s University Center for Human Values and Stanford’s Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences.
My thanks to libro.fm and Princeton University Press for an ALC of this book to listen to and review.
DNF at 10%. I couldn't take the brainwashed propaganda anymore. He fell for two honey traps, but seems to be happy, so good for him.
I do not dislike/hate China, its people or its culture. A lot of what we take for granted now we wouldn't have if it wasn't for China and it's rich history and culture. I give credit where credit is due. I respect their culture, music, food, history, art. It's amazing and vast. I wish I was able to learn languages well, as Chinese is an incredibly beautiful language to me. It is one I would love to learn and do justice to when I spoke it. Yes, I know there is more than one dialect, the Chinese language isn't a monolith. That just makes it more impressive and beautiful.
What I do dislike/hate, and it is not solely something found in China, is totalitarianism. The fact that this guy is shilling for that making me too upset to be able to listen to his five plus hour screed on why China's government is "misunderstood" by the "Western aggressors".
Yes, I am sure there are misunderstandings and that those in the West are aggressive, but I highly doubt that is boils down to simply "communism=good"/"West=bad". It's a bit more nuanced then that, which this author seems to be missing.
The narrator had a very good voice, which I did enjoy listening to. I would listen to something else he narrates, as this book, unfortunately, is not something I can finish.
As always, this review is comprised of my personal opinions. I may well be wrong and I welcome polite discourse and suggested readings, on both sides of the issue.
1, this book raised my blood pressure and that's about it, star.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
Sure felt like he had something to prove and I wasn’t sure what. I was hoping for much more detail on the inner workings of the system when it felt more like the author felt like he had to justify his own importance as a minor bureaucrat.
This book appears to be written to please readers within Chinese political system, under the cover of aiming to educate people overseas.
The author is either naively believing what he wrote (“censorship is not good, but the propaganda department does such a good job communicating the government’s intentions and there is nothing wrong about it”, or “Chinese harmony values difference”), or that he is intentionally misleading the readers.
Ultimately, the selection of this author, who may be considered a "minor bureaucrat," to represent the Chinese government could be seen as an attempt to project a positive image. However, the book's content, and the author's potentially disingenuous or naive stance, cast a shadow on the credibility of this portrayal.
Very mixed feelings about the book - yes the point about do not demonize China is valid, but I can not agree with most of the author's interpretation of the Chinese political system...nonetheless his observations as a minor bureaucrat are valuable
Found this recommended by the Financial Times, and as always, their editors did not disappoint. I assume many US readers will find the book hard to stomach. I will admit that as a citizen of the former Eastern bloc, I too found some takes a little ignorant of the suffering wrought by international Marxism. Though those moments were actually few and far in between, making the overall experience plenty enjoyable.
I know very little of life in China and it was refreshing to read something mostly positive compared to the general doom and gloom you see in Western media. Yet the author is also genuinely critical of the many shortcomings of the Chinese system, in particular the rule of current president Xi Jinping. That makes what little praise he does dole out all the more believable. I just wish he’d have shared more about his life as dean! Most of the book actually talks about Chinese society in general.
Also, “But I will end here, before I further alienate listeners” has to be one of the best finishing lines ever written.
Have to say, when I got this, I didn't expect it be by a white man who studies Confucianism . . . I do not particularly care about his opinion or experience; its novelty seems completely derived from the fact that this book is written for a Western reader about the Western experience in China. Which is not a perspective I care about. But thanks to libro.fm for the complimentary audiobook.
Ask just about any American at random to describe the Chinese political system, and the answer is likely to be “Communism.” It’s a convenient label that results from Mao Zedong’s 1949 revolution and seven decades of reporting by and about the Chinese Communist Party. Not to mention decades of over-simplified and often antagonistic Western media coverage. But the governing system in China today bears few traces of the creed of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, who were, after all, Westerners. And that’s largely the result of the shift engineered more than forty years ago by Deng Xiaoping, which brought Confucianism to the fore. This philosophy, little understood in the West, is the focus of Daniel Bell’s illuminating analysis of the Chinese political system today in The Dean of Shandong: Confessions of a Minor Bureaucrat at a Chinese University.
A UNIQUE PERSPECTIVE ON THE CHINESE POLITICAL SYSTEM In reading any nonfiction book, it’s always important to understand an author’s sources and perspective, and that’s doubly true with this book. So, I’ll quote in entirety the first four sentences. “I am not now nor at any time have ever been a member of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP),” Bell writes. “Yet I serve as dean of a large faculty of political science in a Chinese university that trains students and provincial cadres to serve the country as Communist Party officials. It’s typically a post reserved for members of the CCP, given the political sensitivity of the work.
“That’s part of the surprise. The other part is that I’m a Canadian citizen, born and bred in Montreal, without any Chinese ancestry.” Bell goes on: “I was appointed dean not because of a commitment to China’s official Marxist ideology but rather because of my scholarly work on Confucianism.” And the author’s emphasis on that ancient philosophy dominates his account of the five years he spent at Shandong University. In fact, at times the book reads like a primer on Confucianism. And it’s no accident that Bell’s job was located in Shandong Province. It’s the birthplace of Kongzi (the Pinyin transliteration for Confucius) and his leading disciples.
AN INSIDER’S VIEW OF CHINA’S POLITICAL SYSTEM Bell emphasizes two aspects of Chinese politics that rarely seem to surface in Western reporting on the country: “collective leadership,” and the influence of Confucianism.
THE ANTI-CORRUPTION CAMPAIGN China’s current maximum leader, Xi Jinping, has recently emerged as “more equal” than the others in the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee. His power, it’s said, now approaches the level exercised by Mao Zedong. But that shift came about, Bell asserts, only because the extent of corruption within the CCP had begun to threaten the primacy of the Party. Before Xi, “Each top leader was an equal, in charge of a policy area, and each leader had de facto veto power over decisions that affected his constituency’s vested interests. It was impossible to attack vested interests that blocked necessary reforms.”
That changed in 2012. The leadership assented to Xi’s drive for power to launch, for the first time, a genuine anti-corruption campaign. And that campaign felled “more than one million officials,” including some at the pinnacle of power. “President Xi carried out the longest and most sustained anti-corruption drive in CCP history,” Bell notes, “and took on economic interests that blocked measures to clean up the environment and redistribute wealth from the rich to the poor.” In fact, the author explains, the campaign was so thorough and far-reaching that even at the lowest levels new bureaucratic rules complicated his life. For example, he was unable to take visiting scholars out to the long alcohol-fueled lunches that had long been customary. Such lunches were now strictly budgeted. And he was required to itemize every single item he did order at lunch.
COLLECTIVE LEADERSHIP PERSISTS Xi’s preeminent position notwithstanding, “the other mechanism meant to limit arbitrary dictatorship at the top—collective leadership—continues to be in place,” Bell insists. “Collective leadership has changed over the years . . . but the system still provides an important check on arbitrary decision-making by Numero Uno. If President Xi were to go senile, for example, we can expect that he’d be removed from the Standing Committee of the Politburo.”
But there is a distinct downside to the success of the anti-corruption drive. “If the corrupt official was the bane of the Chinese public before the anti-corruption campaign, today it’s the do-nothing official who blindly sticks to the rules and cares for nothing other than pleasing higher-ups. Equally serious, the anti-corruption drive has created huge numbers of political enemies who may be rooting for the downfall of the leaders, if not the whole political system. . . These real enemies make the leaders even more paranoid than usual and lead the government to ramp up censorship and further curb civil and political rights.” Although Western media offers extensive coverage on the increasing suppression of civil liberties in China, it’s rare to find any reason in its reports for why the CCP is taking such draconian action.
CONFUCIANISM VS. MARXISM-LENINISM Bell notes in passing that his five-year term as a dean at Shandong University was only a late chapter in his experience in China. In fact, he had previously taught political theory for fifteen years elsewhere in the country, chiefly at China’s most prestigious institution of higher learning, Tsinghua University in Beijing. And after this book was published he accepted a new job as Chair of Political Theory at the University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law.
The emphasis in Bell’s teaching reflects his life-long study of Confucianism. According to a widely accepted definition, that 2,500-year-old philosophy “is concerned with inner virtue, morality, and respect for the community and its values.” Traditionally, Confucian thought has emphasized filial piety and, extending outward from the family, deference to the ever-larger hierarchy of group settings that constitute a civilization. And this approach led early in China’s history to the system of grueling examinations used to select imperial officials. Today, a similar emphasis expresses itself in “Chinese-style meritocracy—an ideal that (highly imperfectly) informs the political reality.” Bell characterizes it as “the only viable alternative to liberal democracy in the modern world.”
In effect, the Chinese political system today reflects a balancing act between Confucianism and Marxism-Leninism. At the moment, if reports in our media can be believed, the balance is shifting back toward the latter. But, Bell insists, the Confucian emphasis on meritocracy and virtue remains a powerful influence on the actions of officials in the upper reaches of the Party and the state.
WAR WITH CHINA? Few Americans today fear anything in world affairs more than the prospect of war with China. And Bell addresses that question squarely. “The idea that China would seek to go to war against the United States anywhere near its territory is crazy,” Bell insists. He notes parenthetically, though, that “China is surrounded by U.S. military bases, and it’s not absurd for Chinese policy makers to worry that the United States and its allies might launch a war against China.” But I’m not convinced. Other credible sources point to the seesawing debates among China’s top leadership between what we in the West call “hawks and doves.” And there are times when the hawks are in the ascendancy. In fact, it appears that now, in 2023, that may well be the case. The saber-rattling over Taiwan is worrisome.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR Daniel A. Bell (1964-) is a Canadian political theorist and scholar of Confucianism. According to Wikipedia, he is currently Chair of Political Theory at the University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law. He was Dean of the School of Political Science and Public Administration at Shandong University between 2017 and 2022 and professor at Tsinghua University. Together, he has spent a total of twenty years at these posts in China.
Bell was born in Montreal in 1964 and educated at Canada’s McGill University and the University of Oxford. He is the author of at least eight books and has translated three others by Chinese scholars. He is also the co-editor of six other books. Bell’s author website adds that “[h]is works have been translated in 23 languages. In 2018, he was awarded the Huilin Prize and was honored as a ‘Cultural Leader’ by the World Economic Forum. In 2019 he was awarded the Special Book Award of China.”
I found this to be an accessible text that made me think about China in slightly different ways. As a "minor bureaucrat" in China coming from Canada as a Confucian scholar, Bell provides an interesting consideration of Chinese culture and politics from both an outsider and insider perspective.
Certainly some will say that, as he acknowledges, he seems like an apologist for the CCP, but, in this acknowledgement, he also challenges outsiders to at least consider a different lens that might allow for something other than a straight Western-Democracy-only stance. He considers perceptions versus realities and even considers semantics and marketing (that the words that the CCP uses might be more problematic to Western ears than the actual practice). He balances his open stance with frank consideration of some of the things (like censorship) that are most problematic.
The format of the text, relatively short, focused personal essays that "confess" some of his own foibles and missteps as an academic and leader in China, provides both vulnerability and humor that makes the ideas more palatable.
This is a good text for anyone wanting a non-mainstream-media assessment of Chinese culture and leadership. It is neither an academic treatise nor a historical text, so it can provide some of the basics in a much more accessible format.
If the phrase "minor bureaucrat" was used in this book one more time, I probably would have screamed. This book was chaotic and full of disclaimers upfront that then seemed to be invalidated throughout. Also, the author attempted to present himself as magnanimous but came across as self-absorbed. I received a complimentary audiobook from the publisher via libro.fm.
These days, Daniel Bell is professor and chair of political theory in the Faculty of Law at the University of Hong Kong. But back when I started reading his work, he was a political philosophy professor at Tsinghua University in Beijing, which at the time at least was a rare achievement to receive a permanent position at a Chinese university teaching on matters political. From the very beginning, I considered him a rare academic genius, for Bell has that rare ability of being able to gain a clear distance from his preconceived notions —perhaps the most important attribute in a philosopher. I also thought his creativity was off-scale.
Bell writes beautifully— like a novelist at times. From creating Socratic dialogues to academic essays that blur personal memoir with theory, he is always doing something new. A Canadian by birth, he was raised in a Catholic and Jewish household and has spent nearly his entire professional career in Asia: Singapore, Hong Kong, mainland China, and now Hong Kong again. In addition to his scholarly books and journal articles, he also writes for places like the Guardian and is—yes, a public intellectual.
I have been a fan for years. But I suppose I wasn’t paying careful enough attention since out of nowhere, it seemed, he became a dean (!!) of Shandong University. And as the Princeton University Press website says, as the first non-Chinese person to become dean of a major Chinese university, he has a unique story to tell. He says he wants to de-demonize China…. and after watching the Republican Convention, I would dare say, someone really does need to do that! The number of times someone on stage disparaged China was astonishing. Embarrassing.
But it is an old story. Back in the 90s, during the Bubble Years in Japan, when America felt itself economically threatened and on the run, there was a similar barrage toward Japan. And anyone who said that we could learn a thing or two from the Japanese was labelled a shill. Now that Japan’s economy is no longer a threat, we are not reading about the Japan invasion any more but I have vivid memories of the days when we did. And now it is China.
As Bell says, yes China has problems. But doesn’t the US also have problems? To praise things about China is not saying it’s a perfect system. But they do, he says, get many things right. Bell is correct, I think, that we compare problems with China to ideals in the US. Corruption in China with “democracy” in the US. I think many Americans would be surprised, for example, that not all citizens of the world aim to live in the US or to work to have their country become like us (I am writing this right now now from a fentanyl ravaged city in the United States with rampant crime).
From a review by Saralee Turner in iAffairs Canada:
“This is the nature of demonization. It is assumed that the one or the group being demonized must prove a negative, that he/she/they are not demon(s) and even when the evidence is fictitious or presented wrongly, the onus is on the demonized to correct the wrong impression and in many cases, without the megaphone the media provided in the first place.”
There is so much that Americans can learn from other cultures--and how ironic that in China, just like with regard to Japan, in the media experts who are familiar with the language and culture are often ignored in favor of new arrivals and journalists with less experience. Wit Japan reporting at least, it is something I've noticed and felt frustrated with for years. Do we think that learning a foreign language makes someone suspect? Like they have "gone native?"
I think it is because of his deep knowledge of the language, history, and culture that makes an intellectual like Bell such a valuable and important voice. His new book especially is extremely empathetic, fair and entertaining--after the obligatory McCarthy style statement "I am not a communist".... WE truly live in the era of self-censor... it is so sad.
It was so interesting to read about how decisions are made in Chinese universities. Whereas in the US so much attention and focus is turned to fund-raising and managing endowments, there wasn’t a word about that in this book. Decisions are consensus style with an aim toward harmony. Bell does a wonderful job explaining the meaning of harmony in China (my son’t first name also utilizes this character 和). Harmony is a balance between differing opinions, not the smothering of differences, which is how it is understood in Japan too. Harmony allows for differing voices as long as the common good takes precedence. This idea of the common good is something shared in both communist philosophies and Confucianism. And it is something deeply held in Japan. Communitarianism is also what Bell focused on for his PhD thesis at Oxford.
The title, the Dean of Shandong recalls Myself a Mandarin in its playful and self-deprecating style, which is continued throughout this really enjoyable book. From why hair-dye is a matter of course in China among male politicians, to things like emojis in academic communication and drinking culture in Shandong, Bell is endlessly fascinating.
About this book: Regarding this book: Yes, Bell is the dean of our school; however, from what I understand, he doesn't actively participate in any significant matters. The actual authority lies with the CCP secretary and the vice dean. Bell is more of a figurehead or an honorary dean. Interestingly, since Bell left Shandong University for Hong Kong, our school has been functioning well for over a year without a permanent dean.
About Daniel Bell: I am a Chinese and study in the college where Daniel Bell serves as the dean. I have read several popular books written by Daniel Bell and have come to the conclusion that he has a somewhat idealized view of China. I don't want to criticize Bell, as I believe he lacks the firsthand experience necessary to truly understand and make accurate conclusions about Chinese life. It is difficult for foreigners to comprehend the intricacies of Chinese political rule, as it is not solely based on written laws but also heavily influenced by the will of the authorities and cultural customs. If one examines China solely through the lens of its constitution and official interviews, they may arrive at incorrect conclusions. Unfortunately, this is what Bell has done. Furthermore, the Chinese government highly appreciates and values Bell's praise of China, given his role as a foreign scholar. Consequently, they may have selectively presented him with a positive image of China, potentially using him for propaganda purposes.
Internationalization, however, does not necessarily mean Westernization.
This was a very refreshing piece of text that was required reading for my Political Theory class at NYU. My mind, dulled and hunched over the works of Aristotle, Machiavelli, Hobbes and Locke, found this to be an interesting account from an alternative perspective. Accompanying our Confucian study of Xunzi, Bell’s book is for foreigner’s insight of his personal and professional experiences at a Chinese university, including his encounters with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Party Secretary (the real authority at Shandong University).
While it was a good break from less-than-contemporary thought and generally accessible, I did find the book somewhat lacking in focus. There wasn’t a clear thesis or central argument, and some chapters felt far more (ir)relevant than others. Particularly, I liked reading about China's anti-corruption campaigns, the political and hierarchal structure of Chinese institutions, and Bell's comparison of confucianism and Marxism-Leninism.
Overall, I appreciated the shift in perspective and content change, but I’d place this book in the bottom-middle tier of contemporary political thought. Bell raises good and original points, yet they often get buried under indulgent or self-absorbed language (“minor bureaucrat” appears more than ten times in 150 pages) and diluted by poorer takes, in my opinion (for instance, his claim that “being Chinese is more a matter of culture than race”). Just my naïve, freshman take!
A very weird book. Some parts were helpful to me as I make plans for a hoped-for return to China in the spring. Also a few scattered but good and succinct primers on Confucianism, communism, and Marxism.
But I'm not sure why he felt the need to publish this. Sometimes he seems to want to vent, as when he rehashes his fights with the editorial board of the NYT. Near the end, he's just musing on topics: artificial intelligence, the Queen of England, cuteness. "Elephants, with their intimidating size and parched skin, are far from the most beautiful animals." Fine! He's really fixated on the idea that this book is a "confession," not a memoir, and that the objective is to explore the Chinese state, not himself. But I don't think that's true! The attempts to connect his own experiences to larger social patterns seem pretty half-hearted. And he clearly wants to talk about himself. Maybe he's worried about offending people who would appear in a memoir?
It is odd to me that this was published by Princeton UP. Seems like a senior scholar was given a long chain and little supervision. My dream is that he would just write a memoir! He refers frequently to a divorce, and suggests that his work as dean somehow contributed to it. He also constantly refers to himself as a failure, but doesn't really explain why. I sense something interesting!
Very well-written and interesting memoir (on my radar from the FT's best books list), written by a Canadian who has served as dean at a Chinese university for 10+ years. My enjoyment of the book was married by two things: 1. The author has a huge ego and seems like not a great human being. He tiptoes up to acknowledging this at times, in reference to his failed first marriage, but mostly tells us about how cool he is and the great times partying with his students and colleagues. He recounts a couple incidents of particularly bad judgment--and especially, a complete lack of leadership on his part--with a passing acknowledgment of his culpability, not any real reflection. You don't have to be a great person to write a great book, but this book is partly a memoir, and memoirs without self-awareness tend to really fall flat, in my view. 2. There's an expression--when you're a hammer, everything looks like a nail. In this case, when you're a Confucianism scholar, everything looks like Confucianism. In some cases, the evidence is compelling, but in others, it seems like a real stretch.
But anyway, the prose is compelling, and I learned more about the tension in China between its desire to be part of the modern world and keep its distance.
I read the Chinese version of this book, which cannot be found on Douban, the counterpart of Goodreads in China. I work in a Chinese university, and I think the author should be credited for capturing vivid details in the operation of Chinese academia. I believe the author is genuine, so I also think he seems a little naive when commenting on China's "meritocracy." I was amazed when I saw him using the Confucian ideal to explain why some people choose to work "within the system," as if these people are uniformly or mainly motivated by a Confucian belief in serving the public. Nevertheless, I agree with the author that Western media can do better by presenting a more nuanced picture of China. Overall, I enjoyed reading the book, and I would recommend it to those who are curious about Chinese academia.
Bell presents an interesting window into some niches of Chinese society, told through some very amusing anecdotes. His broad theoretical conclusions I find unconvincing, not for their sympathy to the Chinese system of government, which is a virtue that permits Bell a balanced appraisal of his host country. Instead, I don’t think he appreciates China as a Marxist-Leninist state, and veers into conclusions (such as the odd instance that the CCP should ‘rebrand’ to project Confucian/meritocratic values to the outside world) that could only emerge from the cloister of academia. However, I can’t say I’m too surprised by the above given the professors personal background. Nevertheless, I was charmed by the earnestness of his ‘confessional’ style.
I was left with mixed feelings about the book. Half memoir and half digest of Confucianism and current Chinese culture, it ended up to be neither fish nor fowl. I like Bell's academic work and always found it very informative. But these "Confessions" sounds more like "Venting of a Dean + some funny facts." Frustrating moments of Chinese academic life don't add up to a good analysis of strengths and pitfalls of academia in contemporary China, which is what I was hoping to get when I bought the book. Maybe it is a post-retirement project, but Bell has unique insights and it would be fascinating to read about his experience in a more analytical way.
The traditional Chinese edition proved less engaging than I anticipated. Daniel’s observations come across as somewhat naive and simplistic, making it easy to understand why he struggled in Shandong. It seems such a man was destined for failure there. That said, the book still offers some interesting insights. I was previously unaware that Confucius once remarked one could never drink enough wine. Additionally, the critique of "being cute" resonated with me. I sometimes pretend to be cute to shirk important duties, which is wrong and something I need to reflect upon and be more vigilant against. The book is easy to read and would likely be quite suitable for foreign readers.
I learned very little about Chinese universities or Chinese bureaucracy and bugger all about Confucianism. I was hoping the personal story would be a vehicle for shedding some light on those. I was mostly disappointed.
The author complains that people dismiss him because of his support of the communist government - but he will not shut up about it himself. If you want to be just judged on merit of your ideas write about them! Instead we get quotes from comrade (this is the word used by the author) Xi Jinping. And I don't care what students you got drunk or shagged, maybe you should confess that to your priest.
Audiobook: Princeton Review, read by Wyntner Woody
I liked that Bell owned up to some errors, mishandling, and outright failures. This isn’t about what we should do but rather notes what he has experienced as a University Dean in China. The clash of cultures is entertaining and infuriating, though the change in attitudes toward drinking over the last 40 years seem to be the same in both countries.
I wasn’t 100% focused so I think some of the meat slipped by but I still enjoyed the stories.
The book provides a limited window into how Chinese universities operate and offers some perspective on how Chinese people view themselves and the world. But one moment completely threw me off: the author discusses China’s cultural attraction to cuteness and then, oddly enough, describes former UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson as an example. Seriously? Boris Johnson, cute? That one line shattered my trust in the author’s judgment. From that point on, I couldn’t take the book seriously. It went straight into my imaginary trash bin.
'I try to control my emotions in public, if only because it would look strange if a foreigner cried upon hearing the Chinese anthem. I confess, however, that I lost control at one graduation ceremony several months after my divorce. The anthem triggered earlier memories and I could not stifle the tears. After the ceremony, I told my superiors that the tears were triggered by an allergy to my cat.'
One should not read it in an attempt to understand how Chinese bureaucracy works, but to treat it as a set of essays retelling life stories of a middle-aged uncle after a few drinks, with similar levels of sincerity, humor, vanity, and preachiness. The anecdotes and themes recorded on the page were quite lively, and, when read light-heartedly, are humorous. Was a good airplane book and made me chuckle.
When I first see the title of this book, I feel curious because it wants to explore how universities in China work, but when I read the book honestly, I feel disappointed because it just shows me what the author thinks about some Chinese problems. But luckily, what the author said about some problems in China makes me think this book is not bad.
Enjoyed this book for its insights into the workings of academic institutions - and all institutions - in the PRC. I don't agree with all the conclusions - but found it thoughtful and thought provoking in an area which deserves careful attention and not political grandstanding.
Quite fun! I don't think the overall defences or broad conclusions on the overall political system the author inhabited while teaching in Shandong really came across as persuasive, but the more personal anecdotes and self-critical writing style made for a quick and rarely boring read.
A short book that is a collection of short essays. Interesting perspective on life in modern China, but only moderate compelling writing. probably +1/2 star if interested in universities in China.