"Books are well written, or badly writen. That is all." - Wilde.
Doyle treats this quote with a certain religiosity, which is somewhat ironic considering the whole tenet of this work. Now, let me be clear. I don't agree with Doyle's ethos in this, and I think he comes off largely as a condescending prick who can't see past his own pedestrian life, but probably suffers from the narcissism he likes to remind people for which the Millenial generation is famous. However, Doyle, would no doubt like to believe the fact that I don't agree with him and think his assumption that his principles are the best for civilization as a whole is a risible idea as a personal attack. (I'm merely applying the same research to Doyle that Doyle applies to his opponents. There is a marked rise in narcissism as reported in Doyle's own work, and as far as I'm concerned, his myopic worldview is as indicative of it as he thinks it is of his opponents. However, I am not going to sit here and call him or adherents to his belief system "crazy children" (305) like Doyle does, so for all his posturing about the high ground, Doyle is neck deep in the mud.)
Even disregarding all that, and I shan't be, the fact remains that his book is not well written. Now, whether something is well written or not is largely subjective, which I will freely admit. (Doyle will not. In all matters, his taste is what is good, and things not to his taste are not as good.) The bottom line, however, is that early on in this train wreck Doyle makes the argument that his so-called New Puritans falsely equate the idea of words with violence. And then Doyle spends 305 stultifying pages outlining all the ways in which his chosen group of witches have used words to harm people. The same cannot be said of people for whom Doyle has more respect, i.e., JK Rowling and Jordan Peterson, for example. Their words cannot hurt people because they are espousing an ideology with which Doyle finds himself aligned, but words against them apparently can cause a great deal of hurt. It's a weird catch-22 that exists, and Doyle seems either unaware of his blatant hypocrisy or just too dull to pick up on it. I don't know which one it is, and I honestly don't care. The point remains that is your central tenet is that your ideological opponents conflate the idea of words causing harm with actual harm, which according to Doyle is not possible, then you probably shouldn't turn around and claim that billionaires like Rowling have been harmed by people disagreeing, even disagreeing vociferously, with their views. (The added corollary of expecting that the actors who starred in the Warner Bros. adaptation of those books somehow owe JK Rowling some sort of weird ideological fealty because they starred in those movies is beyond bizarre. Doyle wants people to think for themselves, except apparently when they disagree with people with whom he agrees.) He also wants to talk about how people take online criticism too far, which is a valid argument to make, but again, he only wants to acknowledge one side of it. And I'm not even talking about the neo-Nazis threatening entire "races" of people. I'm talking about the average guy who gets on the internet and threatens to kill a woman who wouldn't go out with him. Doyle explicitly talks about people who speak of taking the "red pill" in this work, but at no point does he address the rampant misogyny present in that community. (It's also a strange reference for him to make considering his stance on biological determinism.) What's good for the goose is never good for the gander in Doyle's arguments because Doyle doesn't want to admit that the ideological system he espouses is not perfect.
Take for example the fact the bemoans Donald Trump being banned from Twitter in January of 2021 in his arguments on free speech. Doyle would like you to buy in to the fact that this is some New Puritan conspiracy to muzzle free speech and thought led by the politically correct censors of the New Left. For the record Donald Trump was banned from Twitter on January 8th, 2021, a fact that Doyle gleefully relates. The fact that he was banned from Twitter for using the platform to incite an attempted coup against a democratically elected government on January 6th, which led to the storming of the Capitol, which led to nearly $3 million dollars in damage, 174 injured, and 5 people dead either the day of or within the next 36 hours. It also led 88 felony charge for Donald Trump and 34 convictions at the time of my penning this review. Doyle's liberalism has respect for only one of these sets of facts, but it beggars belief that Doyle believes that corporations are going to accept the kind of liability risk that allowing a man to quite literally foment open insurrection amounts to. Unless, of course, Doyle would like to present some alternative facts, but considering his reaction to the George Floyd riots in 2020, neatly presented in this book, law and order and property damage are two things for which he has no sympathy. Except...
Which, I guess brings us to that weird sort of argument about the George Floyd riots and Doyle's contempt for the Black Lives Matter protests, which is just dripping from the pages of this work. (I'm projecting, I know, but it's so easy considering the condescension with which Doyle treats his opponents throughout the course of this entire work.) Doyle makes mention of the murder of Floyd, but he implies--he doesn't state outright because he doesn't do that, he just sort of likes to come side-along to his contentious points that might make him look like a fucking asshole--that this murder by the police was indicative of a bad cop and not a system that encourages it. He purposefully omits the list of names of unarmed Black men and women and children killed by the American police since 2014 (and earlier). For Doyle, Floyd's murder is an isolated event, rather than one in a long series of events, and it remains risible to me that he attempts to act in this manner. To me, this is a bad faith argument in the extreme. Doyle wants to make a point that his New Puritans have turned Floyd into a martyr, devoid of real life realities. But the reality remains that 12 year old Black boys with toy guns are being fatally shot by the American police, but white men who enter churches and gun down 9 people in cold blood can be arrested and stand trial. If there is not some systemic element of racism there, which is not a reality to which Doyle subscribes, I would dearly like Doyle to explain to me how the "bad cops" seem to be largely involved in arresting unarmed POC. The good ones get to arrest mass murderers. (Doyle would no doubt classify this as a personal attack on his morals, which honestly I'm fine with. If your argument is that there's not a societal element at play because the societal element is made up by people with whom you don't agree, at least do your readers the courtesy of explaining the body of evidence rather than cherry-picking a singular incident.)
None of which matters because this is all lived experience, and that doesn't count. Only studies count. Unfortunately, I did not flag a relevant passage to point to this, which clearly makes me a bad empiricist, but it's okay because so is Doyle. (For reference, you can read his thoughts of DiAngelo's White Fragility to get a sense of how he views lived experience. As far as he's concerned, at least in my interpretation, lived experience doesn't equate with facts. Which yeah, okay, you have me there. This ties in to his argument because it generally is that just because people who advocate foe having felt and -ism--largely in Doyle's case racism, sexism, homophobia, or transphobia--doesn't mean they actually have. Because according to Doyle, there are facts that are immutable. I tend to agree, but I think we disagree largely about the content of those facts. Doyle would posit that certain sociological concepts are immutable facts. My personal take, definitely more influenced by post-modernism than Doyle's--is that there's nothing immutable about any sociological concept, so there's probably no way that Doyle and I were going to see eye-to-eye about this, but Doyle largely rejects the idea that language helps to frame reality. This is convenient when you want to deny things like systemic racism or transphobia exist because you can simply cherry-pick a couple of studies or read a couple of books by like-minded individuals and talk about how worthy their research is, and call it a day. Doyle doesn't bother to delve into any sort of statistics compiled about trans suicide rates or instances of trans children being kicked out of their families, I can only assume because such emotional subjects would undercut the argument he's trying to make. It's all well and good to argue your point, but you inevitably end up looking like an asshole when you do it in the face of another human's suffering. (I know these facts because I looked them up after reading Dutchman-Smith's Hags and the attempted suicide rate for trans people in Great Britain, as reported by the UK government is 34%, where women and girls was 5.3%. Dutchman-Smith was more interested in how the existence of trans people affects women, which is an argument that Doyle again side-alongs when he talks about a woman being raped in a hospital in Britain by a trans woman, but while Dutchman-Smith comes at least from a place of authenticity--that lived experience that matters not at all--Doyle comes from a place of cherry-picking single instances to bolster a flagging point about domestic violence and semantic pedantary about what it means to be a woman. Regardless of what it means or doesn't mean, I really don't think it's Andrew Doyle's place to be trying to define it.)
So, now that I've gotten lost in the weeds, let's talk about all the instances in which lived experience is okay. For example, when Doyle asserts that "more and more gay people are feeling uncomfortable about the Pride flag," which may well be true, but Doyle offers no evidence to support it, so I am forced to conclude that he knows this only by lived experience, and thus the conclusion that he has reached about identarianism is invalid. Likewise, I find the assertation that he makes on page 132 (I'm not going to bother to quote the whole paragraph) about how librarians just used to be guardians of knowledge and never used to gatekeep it risible. The bottom line is this: throughout the course of history, things have been saved because people find them valuable, whether in libraries or palaces or records rooms or where have you. But value is a subjective judgment. The idea that in the 1700s the libraries of the British universities were treating with the same care histories from North American or South Pacific indigenous peoples is the logical conclusion of this line of thinking. Show me where the 200 year off books written in Cree are housed in the Bodleian, and I will withdraw my complaint. As a person living in North America, in an area of the continent that still keenly feels the effects of the British attempts to destroy the indigenous cultures of this area through residential schooling and reserves, I doubt it's there. So, to me, it seems that librarians and libraries have always been gatekeepers, but Doyle is mostly upset about the fact that the things that are arguably being gatekept are things that he values, i.e., Shakespeare and Chaucer and Milton. The pearl clutching that a group of university students might study English literature and not read Shakespeare would be comical if he wasn't so serious about it.
I've gotten fucking side-tracked again--this review might end up being as much of a mess as the actual work--but the most egregious instance of Doyle's lived experience comes when he talks about stand-up comics. His argument that "humour can certainly be used as an excuse for slander, or as a device to cause harm to the vulnerable, this is hardly ever the case when it comes to professional comedians." Considering how this argument is again supported by not a shred of empirical proof, only Doyle's lived experience in comedy, the argument should be, by his own standards, thrown out wholesale. The fact that only the line before he is talking about Louis C.K. and his jokes about the Parkland school shooting--demonstrably to most people not a source of humour--Doyle seems to be on the opinion that the comedians' right to say anything should be defended--explaining that whole Nazi dog aside--but this is, of course, not a right he extends to the "crazy children.”
As an aside that has very little to do with the actual review, I wanted to reach through the book and slap Doyle when he went off about Classical statues being white and people claiming a lack of diversity in the ancient world, both because he is deliberately misunderstanding the ancient world when it comes to race--which as the concept that we understood it arose in the Enlightenment, which this hero of the Enlightenment failed to mention, but also because he fundamentally misrepresented statuary in the ancient world. They weren't white; they were painted, which anyone with 12 seconds, Google, and an ounce of interest would know. They were left white when rediscovered largely because it fit the Enlightenment ethos of what those statutes should look like, which in case you were wondering was also when the modern concept of racism took hold.
Now, I have dozens of photos of subjects I wanted to raise on my phone, so the last thing I wanted to address what Doyle's rhetorical style. He compares his New Puritans to Stalin and his gulags explicitly several times, and after doing so for pages walks it back by saying, I'm not saying they're this bad, but... The point of this rhetoric is to tie the two together. Something as bad as the gulag prison system that led to the deaths of millions and this "New Puritanism," which has so fat led to the deaths of a few careers indelibly in the readers' mind, but when called upon, Doyle can say, I didn't say that. It strikes me as disingenuous in the extreme because rhetorically speaking, the first association is the one that sticks with you; i.e., these people are just like these evil people who murdered millions.
The other weird thing about Doyle's argument is that while admits that structural inequality exists--there's a lot more poor brown people and black people and women and LGBT people have traditionally faced discrimination--he seems to believe that a concerted effort to go back to how it was in the late 90s and early 2000s would improve the situation for these people. He has no concrete ideas as to how, and he proudly touts supporting gay marriage in 2003 when people in his office thought it was a joke, but it's not Doyle's problem to solve because it's not a problem that he has to live with, one assumes. Doyle wants to go back to a time when it was okay to make Nazi jokes and gay jokes and Jewish jokes because free speech, but he doesn't want to admit that the problems that existed then are the same ones that exist now and his brand of liberal bootstraps-mentality did nothing to alleviate that. (I assume this is also at the heart of his screed about the English language and how it's being degraded and text speak is being allowed etc. My grandparents would not countenance calling us kids because those were baby goats, but Doyle presents the English language as some sort of immutable monolith, and by the dint of scaling it, you will achieve that to which you set your mind. ok boomer.)
I also found his defence of King Leopold II a weird one. Look, you can name things after whomever you want, but the idea that people might not want things named after a dude whose actions in the Congo led to the death of around 10 million people is not weird to me. The idea that statues (or hospital wings) celebrating people who made millions selling other people into slavery--do not bring the Parthenon into this either because it was a temple and while it was built in all probability by slavery, the idea that Doyle promulgates that they are synonymous is a false equivalency--is not weird to me. Statutes and public monuments valorize people and things. The Confederate flag flew in the US until the 2020s on state capitols in the south and represented the ideas of white supremacy on which the southern confederacy was built, and I don't think the fact that you get to ignore that fact because some people like it. Likewise, in Canada, statutes of MacDonald, who founded the residential school system in addition to being the first PM, have been coming down. The idea that monuments do not indicate what we as a society value is tone-deaf, and bizarre, and honestly, as what society values changes, i.e., the social justice Doyle so despises, so might the statuary change. There are no more Swastikas in Germany even though there once were. Doyle has no problem with that, strangely enough.
His thoughts on trigger warnings are also not super coherent to me. His one concrete example is of traumatizing a student with a poem about a hanging after the suicide of a family member (naturally, this is described only in terms of how hard this was on Doyle). He talks about how harmful trigger warnings, which he does offer studies, but I got the sense that Doyle seems to think that it’s society’s job to continue traumatizing people with some of the most terrible events of their lives indiscriminately. Victims of trauma are allowed to decide how and when they deal with that trauma, and I find it at odds with Doyle’s stated liberalism that he’s against allowing that. (I suppose all that really matters here to Doyle is that you cannot make rape jokes because it might traumatize rape victims. Any sort of social sensitivity is beyond him, as also evidenced by his digression on pronouns. Calling someone what they asked to be fallece even if you think it’s stupid is clearly beyond Doyle, as evidenced by his condescension with regards to the new pronouns or even the singular they.) I can only guess that Doyle likewise objects to film ratings since they moderate content for the people who choose to engage with the subject. (Or in the cases of the schoolwork Doyle talks about, are forced to engage.) Being able to decide as an individual if you can deal with a sensitive subject and providing people warnings about it—yes even up to outdated content that might require conversations to explain to younger people—seems to be a weird hill to choose to die on, but you do you.
Look, bottom line, I don't agree with Doyle. I'm never likely to agree with him because quite frankly, I don't think there's an argument he can present that I would find compelling. This no doubt makes me one of his so-called "crazy children" and from the lofty heights of his particularly middle-class, white, and British upbringing, he will condescend to me about how the world could be improved. Because that is the crux of this matter: the world is changing, and Doyle doesn't like how it's changing. He doesn't agree. That's fine. But the weird moral religiosity with which he condemns his enemies, and beatification that he extends to Kant--Kant of the theory of scientific racism--truly makes it hard to take. (I mean Doyle would tell me it's okay because even though the man thought that a large part of world was inferior because of the colour of their skin, I shouldn't hold that against him. He's just a product of his time: this ignores the fact that he is fact the progenitor of that idea, and it led to the suffering of untold millions in the Middle Passage, hundreds of years of slavery and Jim Crow laws, but you do you.) The bottom line is that Doyle is just not compelling, the writing is not great, nor is his choice of Benson--the passage he includes is florid and eye-searing to me--and this is just bad. Not morally. Aesthetically.