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A New Generation Draws the Line
s/t: Kosovo, East Timor and the Standards of the West
1999 saw two major international crises which, looked at side-by-side by Noam Chomsky, starkly illuminate the strategies of the Western powers in the new century. In this volume Chomsky convincingly argues that humanitarianism was not the moving force behind NATO's intervention in Yugoslavia, and that there, as in East Timor, strategic concerns were dominant and the fate of civilian populations incidental.
1999 saw two major international crises which, looked at side-by-side by Noam Chomsky, starkly illuminate the strategies of the Western powers in the new century. In this volume Chomsky convincingly argues that humanitarianism was not the moving force behind NATO's intervention in Yugoslavia, and that there, as in East Timor, strategic concerns were dominant and the fate of civilian populations incidental.
Author Biography: Noam Chomsky is Institute Professor in the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He is the author of many books including American Power and the New Mandarins, Manufacturing Consent (with Ed Herman), Deterring Democracy, Year 501, World Orders Old and New, Powers and Prospects, Profits over People, and The New Military Humanism: Lessons of Kosovo.
160 pages, Paperback
First published November 16, 2000
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About the author
Noam Chomsky
976 books17.4k followersAvram Noam Chomsky is an American professor and public intellectual known for his work in linguistics, political activism, and social criticism. Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy and one of the founders of the field of cognitive science. He is a laureate professor of linguistics at the University of Arizona and an institute professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Among the most cited living authors, Chomsky has written more than 150 books on topics such as linguistics, war, and politics. In addition to his work in linguistics, since the 1960s Chomsky has been an influential voice on the American left as a consistent critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, and corporate influence on political institutions and the media.
Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants (his father was William Chomsky) in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner.
An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African–style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.
Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants (his father was William Chomsky) in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner.
An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African–style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.
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Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
January 16, 2020
I have yet to encounter another author as brilliant and astute at pointing out and thoroughly dissecting Western, especially US, hypocrisy. Here, he examines US and NATO actions in Kosovo and lack thereof in East Timor in a detailed, as ever very well researched critique of so-called humanitarian intervention policies and justifications.
January 21, 2019
I mean it's Chomsky so you know it's gonna be a banger. This one is actually fairly unique for him in that it focuses very directly/straightforwardly on some particular details about Kosovo and East Timor. From the citations you can tell it's basically a version of his book The New Military Humanism but with just the Kosovo+East Timor bits, and that actually makes it really dope if you know little/nothing about the tragedies in these two regions. You can go from no knowledge to a fairly cohesive narrative in like 2 hours (it's a short book)
September 21, 2019
Agudo análisis de Noam Chomsky sobre cómo la banda terrorista OTAN demonizó a Slobodan Milosevic para despedazar a Yugoslavia y provocar el espurio nacimiento de Kosovo como una gran base militar, centro de distribución de drogas y tráfico de órganos.
Habla también sobre el genocidio realizado contra el pueblo de Timor del Este por Indonesia, Australia y bendecido por las nocivas potencias occidentales.
¡Gracias por tanta luz, querido Chomsky!
Habla también sobre el genocidio realizado contra el pueblo de Timor del Este por Indonesia, Australia y bendecido por las nocivas potencias occidentales.
¡Gracias por tanta luz, querido Chomsky!
May 5, 2025
Looking forward to reading “The Jakarta Method” and learning more about the US covert operations in Indonesia. Side note this was probably the last book I’ll ever check out from Pton library!
September 16, 2015
A scathing critique of the modern liberal doctrine of "humanitarian intervention", Dr. Chomsky goes into excruciatingly excellent detail to compare and contrast the NATO intervention in Kosovo with the non-intervention in East Timor. The heartbreaking but expected conclusion is that "power acts in its own interests." While the US and NATO "broke its arm patting itself on the back" about "fighting ethnic cleansing in Kosovo", the historical record shows that the charges of ethnic cleansing were likely drummed up and exacerbated by local resistance groups. The bombing actually made the situation worse for Albanians living in Kosovo. The operation was more designed to showcase NATO's strength than actually make a positive difference in the world. He contrasts this with East Timor, a situation where the US backed Indonesian government slaughtered the citizens of a small, occupied country who voted in a referendum for freedom. Chomsky makes the powerful point that it's easy to wring one's hands about "violence you can do nothing about" and look morally superior...but doing nothing about the tyranny your allies are committing on innocents when you have direct influence over their actions is the epitome of hypocrisy.
The scathing critique was very well researched, though much of it was done in the late 1990s before modern internet infrastructure had become available. So claims about searching the LexisNexus database are difficult to independently verify. Nevertheless, the sheer number of citations and my subsequent visits to some of the more expected "still accessible ones" shows me that this was very thoroughly researched and the conclusions Chomsky derives are quite sound. Really, much more social critique should have this level of depth, investigation, and clear showcasing of the scientific method.
My only complaint with the story is that Chomsky's writing style is very opaque. Having seen him talk multiple times, I can verify that it's similar to his lecture style. Unfortunately, while his lecture style works while you listen to him, it can be really hard to read. I hesitate to say he rambles, but there are certainly excerpts where one would expect a good editor to challenge him to make his point more concisely and clearly. Sometimes his desire for deadpan sarcasm causes him to phrase things in a convoluted way that requires a couple of parsings to be able to completely understand.
Nevertheless, the work is a provocative one. It leads readers to question base principles about advocating the use of force as an option to "help" overseas tension situations. It reminds Americans to be much more involved and questioning of the propaganda they're fed.
One of my favorite excerpts:
"Right now, the two American political parties are competing to see which can uphold more fervently its dedication to the sadistic doctrine that undocumented immigrants must be denied health care. Their stand is consistent with the legal principle, established by the Supreme Court, that these creatures are not 'persons' under the law, hence are not entitled to the rights granted to persons. At the very same moment, the court is considering the question of whether corporations should be permitted to purchase elections openly instead of doing so only in more indirect ways--a complex constitutional matter because the courts have determined that unlike undocumented immigrants, corporations are real persons under the law, and in fact have rights far and beyond those of persons of flesh and blood, including right granted by the mislabelled 'free trade agreements.' These revealing coincidences elicit no comment. The law is indeed a solemn and majestic affair." (157)
The scathing critique was very well researched, though much of it was done in the late 1990s before modern internet infrastructure had become available. So claims about searching the LexisNexus database are difficult to independently verify. Nevertheless, the sheer number of citations and my subsequent visits to some of the more expected "still accessible ones" shows me that this was very thoroughly researched and the conclusions Chomsky derives are quite sound. Really, much more social critique should have this level of depth, investigation, and clear showcasing of the scientific method.
My only complaint with the story is that Chomsky's writing style is very opaque. Having seen him talk multiple times, I can verify that it's similar to his lecture style. Unfortunately, while his lecture style works while you listen to him, it can be really hard to read. I hesitate to say he rambles, but there are certainly excerpts where one would expect a good editor to challenge him to make his point more concisely and clearly. Sometimes his desire for deadpan sarcasm causes him to phrase things in a convoluted way that requires a couple of parsings to be able to completely understand.
Nevertheless, the work is a provocative one. It leads readers to question base principles about advocating the use of force as an option to "help" overseas tension situations. It reminds Americans to be much more involved and questioning of the propaganda they're fed.
One of my favorite excerpts:
"Right now, the two American political parties are competing to see which can uphold more fervently its dedication to the sadistic doctrine that undocumented immigrants must be denied health care. Their stand is consistent with the legal principle, established by the Supreme Court, that these creatures are not 'persons' under the law, hence are not entitled to the rights granted to persons. At the very same moment, the court is considering the question of whether corporations should be permitted to purchase elections openly instead of doing so only in more indirect ways--a complex constitutional matter because the courts have determined that unlike undocumented immigrants, corporations are real persons under the law, and in fact have rights far and beyond those of persons of flesh and blood, including right granted by the mislabelled 'free trade agreements.' These revealing coincidences elicit no comment. The law is indeed a solemn and majestic affair." (157)
November 22, 2016
No one in the modern world has had a greater impact on the field of linguistics than Noam Chomsky. His book “Syntactic Structures” laid the foundation for the scientific study of language. When I was teaching a course in theoretical computer science, his formal rules of grammar were the basis for one section of study.
Chomsky has also been very active in the political arena, he rose to prominence in the late sixties when he was outspoken in his opposition to the Vietnam War. In this book, Chomsky skewers the policies of the United States, where the rhetoric regarding support for human rights clashes with the interests of a great power. As has been said many times and in various ways by people commenting on the actions of powerful nations, “Great powers do not have morals, only interests.” That is the main point of this book.
While the American conduct during the Vietnam War is mentioned, the emphasis in this book is on the action and inaction in Kosovo and East Timor, the latter dating back to the sixties. Chomsky points out how the United States looked the other way when the Indonesian army engaged in killing thousands of people in East Timor in the sixties and then repeated the process in the nineties. American and European arms were used in the killing, in fact it was a lucrative business deal for American arms merchants. Furthermore, for all his public posturing about human rights, American President Jimmy Carter also chose to ignore what the Indonesian military was doing in East Timor during his presidency.
Chomsky also bashes the American and NATO actions in Kosovo, an action that was portrayed as a noble one to protect the ethnic Albanians from Serbian atrocities. He points out that the Albanian criminal and terrorist groups goaded the Serbians into retaliating, which allowed NATO to justify their bombing campaign. Chomsky notes that NATO had no compunctions about using cluster bombs against targets in Serbia, weaponry that has been soundly criticized by the West when used by others that they oppose.
This is a book that demonstrates something that followers of history know very well. The most powerful nations will often use idealistic rhetoric and describe themselves as honorable in their actions, all the while being willing to allow mass death and destruction when they believe it serves their “higher” purposes.
Chomsky has also been very active in the political arena, he rose to prominence in the late sixties when he was outspoken in his opposition to the Vietnam War. In this book, Chomsky skewers the policies of the United States, where the rhetoric regarding support for human rights clashes with the interests of a great power. As has been said many times and in various ways by people commenting on the actions of powerful nations, “Great powers do not have morals, only interests.” That is the main point of this book.
While the American conduct during the Vietnam War is mentioned, the emphasis in this book is on the action and inaction in Kosovo and East Timor, the latter dating back to the sixties. Chomsky points out how the United States looked the other way when the Indonesian army engaged in killing thousands of people in East Timor in the sixties and then repeated the process in the nineties. American and European arms were used in the killing, in fact it was a lucrative business deal for American arms merchants. Furthermore, for all his public posturing about human rights, American President Jimmy Carter also chose to ignore what the Indonesian military was doing in East Timor during his presidency.
Chomsky also bashes the American and NATO actions in Kosovo, an action that was portrayed as a noble one to protect the ethnic Albanians from Serbian atrocities. He points out that the Albanian criminal and terrorist groups goaded the Serbians into retaliating, which allowed NATO to justify their bombing campaign. Chomsky notes that NATO had no compunctions about using cluster bombs against targets in Serbia, weaponry that has been soundly criticized by the West when used by others that they oppose.
This is a book that demonstrates something that followers of history know very well. The most powerful nations will often use idealistic rhetoric and describe themselves as honorable in their actions, all the while being willing to allow mass death and destruction when they believe it serves their “higher” purposes.
August 9, 2013
A well written argument against the mainstream definition of the "Responsibility to Protect" doctrine that keeps rearing its head every so often. An assessment of the humanitarian intervention in the former Yugoslavia and the lack of one in East Timor is reviewed in the first few chapters. Chomsky then points out the oceans of hypocrisy that that main advocates of this doctrine swim in, including Tony Blair and Gareth Evans. He takes Evans in particular to task for not bothering with the Responsibility to Protect while he was Australian Foreign Minister during which the Indonesian Government was running rough shod over East Timor. Chomsky doesn't disagree with the doctrine in and of itself. He disagrees with how and the way in which it is interpreted and used by the powers that be. Highly recommended, especially if you run into an international development type who uncritically holds this doctrine up as some sort of high point in the world of international affairs.
April 23, 2009
Was paying some attention to East Timor at the time, so everything here is pretty much accurate.
Chomsky then dissects what the US and its state actors had to say on Kosovo and Yugoslavia,
including NATO's demand that it be allowed to go anywhere in all of Yugoslavia and not ever
be able to be charged for any crimes that may be committed. Also something in there about the US/NATO
changing their demands to the gov't of Yugoslavia at the last minute, causing them to reject the conditions.
US/NATO then said, See, Yugoslavia rejects our demands. Working off of memory here. Sorry. A good read if
you want to dissect global power of the new world order as under Clinton.
Chomsky then dissects what the US and its state actors had to say on Kosovo and Yugoslavia,
including NATO's demand that it be allowed to go anywhere in all of Yugoslavia and not ever
be able to be charged for any crimes that may be committed. Also something in there about the US/NATO
changing their demands to the gov't of Yugoslavia at the last minute, causing them to reject the conditions.
US/NATO then said, See, Yugoslavia rejects our demands. Working off of memory here. Sorry. A good read if
you want to dissect global power of the new world order as under Clinton.
January 2, 2013
Chomsky again ferrets out the real reasons behind American/Western foreign policy actions, this time by comparing the cases of Kosovo and East Timor, both 1999 conflicts with vastly different intervention outcomes. Instead of calling this 'hypocrisy', he notes that the difference in response is highly consistent if you view them with the lens of America's self-interest; what's inconsistent is the idea that we (at the time) were entering a new age of enlightened wars instigated only for humanitarian reasons. Although the Kosovo essay drags a bit, the evidence Chomsky presents that NATO's campaign probably made a volatile situation of inter-ethnic conflict worse is pretty damning.
June 26, 2011
A worthy comparison of US policy on East Timor and Kosovo in 1999. A comment below is a little unclear: one of the last-minute additions that NATO submitted in its ultimatum to Yugoslavia before the 1999 bombing was precisely language that gave NATO the right to occupy all of Yugoslavia--not just Kosovo. This same language was absent in the post-bombing negotiations, and then NATO proceeded to ignore much of the substance of those negotiations anyway (as always preferring the rule of power over the rule of law).
June 2, 2012
Argued against R2P
Want to read
October 29, 2007once again, i started this and never finished it
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews