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Woke Antisemitism: How a Progressive Ideology Harms Jews
Woke Antisemitism is a firsthand account from a top Jewish leader about how woke ideology shuts down discourse, corrupts Jewish values, and spawns a virulent new strain of antisemitism.
In May 2021, amid another conflict with Iran-backed Hamas, Israel took a beating in both the mainstream press and social media. Notwithstanding the rocket fire aimed at its citizens, the Jewish state was portrayed as the oppressor and the Hamas government in Gaza as the oppressed. While Israel has always been subject to excessive scrutiny, this time was different. What had changed in the ideological environment? A veteran leader of Jewish advocacy organizations and a self-described liberal who has broken with the far left over the adoption of woke ideology, David L. Bernstein traces the growth of woke ideology in his life and career from a remote academic study to an international post-colonialist movement, then a faddish campus ideology, morphing into corporate diversity programs to a dominant ideology in mainstream institutions, including many Jewish organizations. Bernstein shows how core ideological tenets—such as privilege, equity, whiteness, and the oppressor/oppressed binary—can be and are weaponized against Jews.
What’s more, surveys tell us that Americans are self-censoring at record rates. Jewish institutions, long known for their robust deliberative processes and open discourse, have not been spared. Many have uncharacteristically dodged controversial issues and have simply fallen in line. He warns that, unabated, the ideology will disenfranchise the American Jewish community and sap Jewish pride. He puts forward a strategy for restoring liberal values and countering political extremism and antisemitism, focusing on rebuilding the political center strategy.
In May 2021, amid another conflict with Iran-backed Hamas, Israel took a beating in both the mainstream press and social media. Notwithstanding the rocket fire aimed at its citizens, the Jewish state was portrayed as the oppressor and the Hamas government in Gaza as the oppressed. While Israel has always been subject to excessive scrutiny, this time was different. What had changed in the ideological environment? A veteran leader of Jewish advocacy organizations and a self-described liberal who has broken with the far left over the adoption of woke ideology, David L. Bernstein traces the growth of woke ideology in his life and career from a remote academic study to an international post-colonialist movement, then a faddish campus ideology, morphing into corporate diversity programs to a dominant ideology in mainstream institutions, including many Jewish organizations. Bernstein shows how core ideological tenets—such as privilege, equity, whiteness, and the oppressor/oppressed binary—can be and are weaponized against Jews.
What’s more, surveys tell us that Americans are self-censoring at record rates. Jewish institutions, long known for their robust deliberative processes and open discourse, have not been spared. Many have uncharacteristically dodged controversial issues and have simply fallen in line. He warns that, unabated, the ideology will disenfranchise the American Jewish community and sap Jewish pride. He puts forward a strategy for restoring liberal values and countering political extremism and antisemitism, focusing on rebuilding the political center strategy.
224 pages, Paperback
Published October 13, 2022
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October 20, 2023
When David Bernstein wrote “Woke Antisemitism“ in 2022, he had no way of predicting that on 10/07/23 Hamas terrorists would cross into Israel and brutally murder, butcher, burn, rape and mutilate well over a thousand civilians including women, children, elderly and babies. But could he have predicted the obscene aftermath in America? Might he have foreseen weeks of pro-Hamas marches and riots by Leftwing groups in major cities, on elite college campuses, and even in the halls of Congress? Could he have guessed that many main stream media pundits would twist themselves into pretzels trying to rationalize some grotesque moral equivalency between terrorists murdering and beheading civilians, verses a sovereign country trying to defend their innocent citizens against such monsters? Because the subtitle of his book is “How Progressive Ideology Harms Jews”, my guess is that David Bernstein is not as surprised as the rest of us that groups like Black Lives Matter and other Leftist activist groups are now cheering for Hamas. In his book, he explains that WOKE ideology like Critical Race Theory and other Critical Theories—now taught in many of our public elementary schools, high schools, and most colleges and universities—insist on rigid beliefs and binary thinking: oppressor verses oppressed, post colonialism, intersectionality, identity privilege/victimization based on skin color—to name a few of these Woke theologies. Woke progressives allow no argument against their fixed worldview. Other ideas about how to combat discrimination and disparities are now shut down. Debate is over; anyone who dares question the Woke dogma will be cancelled, fired from jobs, and ostracized from their social circle. Just where does Israel and the Jews fit into the hierarchy of Woke ideology? In his book, David Bernstein traces the evolution of Leftist thinking about Jews and Israel by citing books, articles and speeches of prominent progressives. Bottom line: if you are Woke, you must believe Israel is the embodiment of Western Colonial oppression (despite the fact that Israel has been the homeland of the Jewish people for 4,000 years). In addition, Jews (and incidentally Asian Americans) are defined as “white-adjacent” (despite the fact that Jews come in all skin colors and ethnicities), and therefore Jews, like all white people, are oppressors who must “check their privilege“. In Woke World, you must not discuss antisemitism because it “de-centers” the conversation away from the “important work of anti-racism”. Even The Holocaust that exterminated 6 million Jews in the 20th century is considered by the Woke as “white-on-white crime” instead of what it actually was: a racist genocide targeting Jewish people. This book is short, easy to read, and very effective in demonstrating how Woke ideology is creating a virulent new type of antisemitism that is infecting institutions and society in a way that is dangerous to American Jews and Israeli Jews alike. It clarifies just how it is that today many Progressive activists seem to be in solidarity with terrorists despite horrific current events. It is a crucial and timely read.
June 23, 2026
I approached Woke Antisemitism as a Zionist who is not aligned with free-market economics, and I was interested in whether the book would offer a serious analysis of contemporary antisemitism without becoming a broader political manifesto. Overall, I found it to be a provocative and at times persuasive argument about the relationship between antisemitism, anti-Zionism, and certain strands of modern progressive ideology.
The foreword by Natan Sharansky sets the intellectual framework for much of the book. Sharansky compares what he calls “woke antisemitism” to Soviet-era antisemitism, arguing that both operate through powerful institutions, especially schools and universities, to shape how young people understand Jews, Israel, and history. While the Soviet system relied on state power, Sharansky suggests that modern ideological conformity is often enforced through social, cultural, and professional pressures rather than formal government censorship.
He also argues that contemporary discourse sometimes downplays or relativizes the Holocaust, including framing it as “white-on-white” violence, which he sees as erasing the specific historical reality of antisemitic persecution. In this framing, antisemitism is not disappearing but adapting, and anti-Zionism can function as its socially acceptable modern expression.
A central theme throughout the book is the claim that many modern accusations against Zionism—such as that it is racist, fascist, colonialist, or comparable to Nazism—have intellectual roots in Soviet anti-Zionist propaganda. Bernstein argues that these narratives were heavily promoted by the Soviet Union during the Cold War and later found resonance in parts of Western academia and activist culture. He links this to broader claims that anti-Zionism has, at times, functioned as a legitimised form of antisemitism in international discourse.
Bernstein also reflects on his own university experience in the late 1980s, noting that hostility toward Israel in parts of the political left predates the current era. He cites radical activist Stokely Carmichael’s alleged statement that “the only good Zionist is a dead Zionist” as an example of how opposition to Zionism has, in some contexts, crossed from political critique into outright hostility toward Zionists.
One of Bernstein’s central concerns is the influence of identity-based ideologies in contemporary culture. He argues that frameworks such as critical race theory and related “woke” perspectives divide the world into fixed categories of oppressors and oppressed, encouraging people to interpret individuals primarily through group identity rather than as individuals. In his view, this undermines liberal values such as free speech, open debate, individual rights, and universal human dignity.
I found myself agreeing with much of this critique. The idea that society can be understood primarily through rigid identity categories risks reducing people to symbols of their group rather than recognising their individuality. Bernstein also argues that such frameworks can make antisemitism harder to detect, since Jews may be classified as privileged or powerful regardless of their actual circumstances.
I also agreed strongly with his critique of postcolonial theory. Bernstein argues that it encourages a simplified moral worldview in which societies are divided into oppressors and oppressed, a framework that can distort understanding of complex historical and political realities, including the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. From my perspective, this way of thinking can discourage nuance and delegitimise dissenting viewpoints, and I found his arguments on this point compelling.
Another recurring theme in the book is the idea that modern left-wing antisemitism often expresses itself through assumptions about Jewish power. Bernstein argues that whereas older antisemitic traditions portrayed Jews as secretly powerful and manipulative, contemporary progressive discourse can frame Jews as privileged or dominant groups within social hierarchies. In both cases, Jews are treated as a collectively powerful category rather than as diverse individuals.
Related to this, Bernstein discusses the term “Jewish privilege,” including its use by some Jewish progressives. He argues that such language can unintentionally echo older antisemitic tropes by framing Jews primarily through power and advantage, rather than acknowledging the long history of Jewish vulnerability and persecution.
Bernstein also criticises what he sees as inconsistencies in how antisemitism is addressed within progressive spaces. He suggests that antisemitic rhetoric is sometimes excused or minimised when it comes from groups that are themselves considered oppressed. This, he argues, reflects a blind spot created by rigid ideological frameworks that prioritise group identity over the content of ideas.
He further argues that antisemitism may increase if identity-based frameworks become more deeply embedded in education from early schooling through university. In his view, teaching students to interpret society primarily through oppressor–oppressed categories risks entrenching division and making certain forms of antisemitism more likely to be overlooked or rationalised.
Bernstein also introduces the idea of a “Red–Green alliance,” referring to the perceived convergence of segments of the political left and Islamist political movements in opposition to Western liberal democracies and, in some cases, Israel. He argues that this alignment has influenced aspects of public discourse and foreign policy debates, particularly in how Israel is framed internationally.
A further analogy Bernstein draws is between Soviet pressures on Jewish identity and contemporary expectations in some progressive environments. He suggests that in the Soviet Union, Jews were often pressured to downplay or suppress expressions of Jewish identity and peoplehood. In his view, a modern parallel can be seen in expectations that Jews should affirm certain ideological categories—such as being “white” and therefore privileged—and distance themselves from identification with Israel or Zionism in order to be fully accepted in some spaces. While clearly not identical historical situations, Bernstein presents this as an analogy about pressures on identity and conformity.
Throughout the book, Bernstein presents himself not as a partisan ideologue but as a liberal concerned with the health of democratic discourse. His emphasis is on protecting free speech, open inquiry, and equal moral consideration for individuals regardless of identity category.
Overall, I found Woke Antisemitism to be a challenging and thought-provoking book. While some of its historical and sociological claims are open to debate, it raises serious questions about how contemporary ideological frameworks interact with antisemitism, anti-Zionism, and broader political discourse. Even where one may disagree with the strength of his conclusions, Bernstein’s central concern—that rigid identity-based thinking can distort moral judgment and obscure antisemitism—remains worth engaging with.
The foreword by Natan Sharansky sets the intellectual framework for much of the book. Sharansky compares what he calls “woke antisemitism” to Soviet-era antisemitism, arguing that both operate through powerful institutions, especially schools and universities, to shape how young people understand Jews, Israel, and history. While the Soviet system relied on state power, Sharansky suggests that modern ideological conformity is often enforced through social, cultural, and professional pressures rather than formal government censorship.
He also argues that contemporary discourse sometimes downplays or relativizes the Holocaust, including framing it as “white-on-white” violence, which he sees as erasing the specific historical reality of antisemitic persecution. In this framing, antisemitism is not disappearing but adapting, and anti-Zionism can function as its socially acceptable modern expression.
A central theme throughout the book is the claim that many modern accusations against Zionism—such as that it is racist, fascist, colonialist, or comparable to Nazism—have intellectual roots in Soviet anti-Zionist propaganda. Bernstein argues that these narratives were heavily promoted by the Soviet Union during the Cold War and later found resonance in parts of Western academia and activist culture. He links this to broader claims that anti-Zionism has, at times, functioned as a legitimised form of antisemitism in international discourse.
Bernstein also reflects on his own university experience in the late 1980s, noting that hostility toward Israel in parts of the political left predates the current era. He cites radical activist Stokely Carmichael’s alleged statement that “the only good Zionist is a dead Zionist” as an example of how opposition to Zionism has, in some contexts, crossed from political critique into outright hostility toward Zionists.
One of Bernstein’s central concerns is the influence of identity-based ideologies in contemporary culture. He argues that frameworks such as critical race theory and related “woke” perspectives divide the world into fixed categories of oppressors and oppressed, encouraging people to interpret individuals primarily through group identity rather than as individuals. In his view, this undermines liberal values such as free speech, open debate, individual rights, and universal human dignity.
I found myself agreeing with much of this critique. The idea that society can be understood primarily through rigid identity categories risks reducing people to symbols of their group rather than recognising their individuality. Bernstein also argues that such frameworks can make antisemitism harder to detect, since Jews may be classified as privileged or powerful regardless of their actual circumstances.
I also agreed strongly with his critique of postcolonial theory. Bernstein argues that it encourages a simplified moral worldview in which societies are divided into oppressors and oppressed, a framework that can distort understanding of complex historical and political realities, including the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. From my perspective, this way of thinking can discourage nuance and delegitimise dissenting viewpoints, and I found his arguments on this point compelling.
Another recurring theme in the book is the idea that modern left-wing antisemitism often expresses itself through assumptions about Jewish power. Bernstein argues that whereas older antisemitic traditions portrayed Jews as secretly powerful and manipulative, contemporary progressive discourse can frame Jews as privileged or dominant groups within social hierarchies. In both cases, Jews are treated as a collectively powerful category rather than as diverse individuals.
Related to this, Bernstein discusses the term “Jewish privilege,” including its use by some Jewish progressives. He argues that such language can unintentionally echo older antisemitic tropes by framing Jews primarily through power and advantage, rather than acknowledging the long history of Jewish vulnerability and persecution.
Bernstein also criticises what he sees as inconsistencies in how antisemitism is addressed within progressive spaces. He suggests that antisemitic rhetoric is sometimes excused or minimised when it comes from groups that are themselves considered oppressed. This, he argues, reflects a blind spot created by rigid ideological frameworks that prioritise group identity over the content of ideas.
He further argues that antisemitism may increase if identity-based frameworks become more deeply embedded in education from early schooling through university. In his view, teaching students to interpret society primarily through oppressor–oppressed categories risks entrenching division and making certain forms of antisemitism more likely to be overlooked or rationalised.
Bernstein also introduces the idea of a “Red–Green alliance,” referring to the perceived convergence of segments of the political left and Islamist political movements in opposition to Western liberal democracies and, in some cases, Israel. He argues that this alignment has influenced aspects of public discourse and foreign policy debates, particularly in how Israel is framed internationally.
A further analogy Bernstein draws is between Soviet pressures on Jewish identity and contemporary expectations in some progressive environments. He suggests that in the Soviet Union, Jews were often pressured to downplay or suppress expressions of Jewish identity and peoplehood. In his view, a modern parallel can be seen in expectations that Jews should affirm certain ideological categories—such as being “white” and therefore privileged—and distance themselves from identification with Israel or Zionism in order to be fully accepted in some spaces. While clearly not identical historical situations, Bernstein presents this as an analogy about pressures on identity and conformity.
Throughout the book, Bernstein presents himself not as a partisan ideologue but as a liberal concerned with the health of democratic discourse. His emphasis is on protecting free speech, open inquiry, and equal moral consideration for individuals regardless of identity category.
Overall, I found Woke Antisemitism to be a challenging and thought-provoking book. While some of its historical and sociological claims are open to debate, it raises serious questions about how contemporary ideological frameworks interact with antisemitism, anti-Zionism, and broader political discourse. Even where one may disagree with the strength of his conclusions, Bernstein’s central concern—that rigid identity-based thinking can distort moral judgment and obscure antisemitism—remains worth engaging with.
January 10, 2023
I have suspected the problems highlighted in this book for a long time which lead to or disguise antisemitism. Israel is criticized more harshly than other countries. Discrimination of Jews is not considered seriously because most Jewish individuals are categorized as "white." Caucasians are the oppressors, so the argument goes. Therefore, Jews cannot be oppressed. Thereby, antisemitism is downplayed as inauthentic racism.
Left wing secular groups buy into this argument. Jews want to remain in these organizations and be identified as liberal. So Jewish people accept their role as oppressors which leads to heightened antisemitism.
Left wing secular groups buy into this argument. Jews want to remain in these organizations and be identified as liberal. So Jewish people accept their role as oppressors which leads to heightened antisemitism.
May 19, 2023
important and urgent
For the last several years I have felt frustrated and anxious with the cultural takeover of American institutions and discourse by woke ideology but I feared that saying so would put me on the side of white grievance. David Bernstein paints a clear and compelling picture of where we are, how we got there, and argues for the importance of standing up for liberal values. I now know I am not alone in my thinking, I feel more resourced to express my authentic views despite the still existing culture of silence and doublespeak prevalent in our culture today.
For the last several years I have felt frustrated and anxious with the cultural takeover of American institutions and discourse by woke ideology but I feared that saying so would put me on the side of white grievance. David Bernstein paints a clear and compelling picture of where we are, how we got there, and argues for the importance of standing up for liberal values. I now know I am not alone in my thinking, I feel more resourced to express my authentic views despite the still existing culture of silence and doublespeak prevalent in our culture today.
October 21, 2023
Spot on. Like the author, I'm a classic liberal and will never be a progressive, because progressivism is about virtue signaling and identity struggles that can never be resolved. Progressivism on steroids is woke ideology, which was confined to academe and the hard left before shock, anger, and disgust at the killing of George Floyd made it mainstream.
Don't get me wrong. I believe in civil liberties and civil rights. I believe in equality of opportunity and helping people who are down on their luck. I believe that in some times and contexts, systemic racism exists, is pernicious, and can be stubbornly resilient. I lean toward the left and fear and despise the MAGA right. But like the author, I don't believe that everything can be explained by white privilege, I don't believe historically oppressed people can do no wrong, I don't believe that the US is an irredeemably racist country, I don't believe that everyone who disagrees with established pieties should be "cancelled," and I don't believe lived experiences always trump empirical facts.
My main takeaway from this book is for Jews to not expect support from the progressive left. The academic Ze'ev Maghen once wrote something about how when someone calls you a pig, you don't respond by explaining all the ways in which you're not a pig, and it sounds like a lot of Jewish organizations are trying to do just that. No, woke groups oppose Israel and engage in antisemitic discourse and are a lost cause. Jewish organizations need to ally with centrists and moderate leftists/rightists, as well as immigrants from authoritarian countries who appreciate the freedoms we enjoy in the United States, warts and all. And we need to find pride in being Jewish without constant apologies and self-flagellation.
Don't get me wrong. I believe in civil liberties and civil rights. I believe in equality of opportunity and helping people who are down on their luck. I believe that in some times and contexts, systemic racism exists, is pernicious, and can be stubbornly resilient. I lean toward the left and fear and despise the MAGA right. But like the author, I don't believe that everything can be explained by white privilege, I don't believe historically oppressed people can do no wrong, I don't believe that the US is an irredeemably racist country, I don't believe that everyone who disagrees with established pieties should be "cancelled," and I don't believe lived experiences always trump empirical facts.
My main takeaway from this book is for Jews to not expect support from the progressive left. The academic Ze'ev Maghen once wrote something about how when someone calls you a pig, you don't respond by explaining all the ways in which you're not a pig, and it sounds like a lot of Jewish organizations are trying to do just that. No, woke groups oppose Israel and engage in antisemitic discourse and are a lost cause. Jewish organizations need to ally with centrists and moderate leftists/rightists, as well as immigrants from authoritarian countries who appreciate the freedoms we enjoy in the United States, warts and all. And we need to find pride in being Jewish without constant apologies and self-flagellation.
July 2, 2025
he constantly sites extremes of situations or misinterpretations of woke ideology that support his claim that “wokeness” is dangerous. Yes current liberal ideology when taken to far and not given enough nuance breeds antisemitism but you can’t say these ideologies aren’t beneficial to society. He constantly downplays how important intersectionality and other gender and sex study frameworks and terms are in conceptualizing our world and praxis. He only understands these concepts very superficially and it clearly shows in his justifications behind his critiques on woke ideology. He is a privileged member of society whether he wants to admit it or not, as a man AND white passing, which ultimately explains why he doesn’t understand why marginalized voices need to be centered and heard to change societal norms and do better. He clearly doesn’t like the concept of equity because it challenges his place and power in society and guises it under a problem with woke ideology but in reality it’s insecurity.
Ultimately his argument exhibits a huge disconnect that therefore prevents him from accurately describing why woke ideology creates antisemitism. Some points make sense but I think it’s certain organizations and activists that paint Jews as oppressors because they don’t understand the nuanced and complex history of the middle east but that doesn’t mean woke ideology as a whole paints this picture and/or is to blame. If the author took actual GESS classes he would realize this. DEI programs and CRT promote critical thinking and explain systems of oppression that DO EXIST in our society STILL, despite his protestations that they don’t (he doesn’t experience them as a white man why would he think they still exist), and are crucial for children to be educated in. It breeds empathy which is crucial to creating a more equitable and just society.
There has to be other solutions to preventing antisemitism on the Left than simply blaming their “extreme” ideology and saying we need to be more moderate.
Ultimately his argument exhibits a huge disconnect that therefore prevents him from accurately describing why woke ideology creates antisemitism. Some points make sense but I think it’s certain organizations and activists that paint Jews as oppressors because they don’t understand the nuanced and complex history of the middle east but that doesn’t mean woke ideology as a whole paints this picture and/or is to blame. If the author took actual GESS classes he would realize this. DEI programs and CRT promote critical thinking and explain systems of oppression that DO EXIST in our society STILL, despite his protestations that they don’t (he doesn’t experience them as a white man why would he think they still exist), and are crucial for children to be educated in. It breeds empathy which is crucial to creating a more equitable and just society.
There has to be other solutions to preventing antisemitism on the Left than simply blaming their “extreme” ideology and saying we need to be more moderate.
April 9, 2024
This was straight up just an interesting book. I'm not Jewish. I still found Bernstein's advice and well-thought-out plans intended for Jews and Jewish organizations to counter antisemitic leftist ideology and reach out to moderate allies/potential allies illuminating. I think all leftists ought to give this a read, Jewish or not. It's especially urgent after October 7 and the onslaught of lies, rage, and propaganda that followed.
But I admit I kinda had to grit my teeth through it after the author recounted a memory from his college days where he and another boy snatched a shy girl's copy of Intercourse by Andrea Dworkin and took turns reading passages out loud to embarrass her. That was like, really mean, dude. Why did you do that? You should apologize to that girl!
Still worth reading & considering ✅
🔍 Have also been listening to some of his podcast with Dr. Brandy Shufutinsky - "Jewish Contrarions"
🔍 Also, read Izabella Tabarovsky's about leftist antizionism to further understand where these ideas came from
🔍 For feminists in particular, check out "A History of Feminist Antisemitism" on Quillette by Kara Jesella - blew my mind as a woman with radfem leanings and separatist aspirations!
But I admit I kinda had to grit my teeth through it after the author recounted a memory from his college days where he and another boy snatched a shy girl's copy of Intercourse by Andrea Dworkin and took turns reading passages out loud to embarrass her. That was like, really mean, dude. Why did you do that? You should apologize to that girl!
Still worth reading & considering ✅
🔍 Have also been listening to some of his podcast with Dr. Brandy Shufutinsky - "Jewish Contrarions"
🔍 Also, read Izabella Tabarovsky's about leftist antizionism to further understand where these ideas came from
🔍 For feminists in particular, check out "A History of Feminist Antisemitism" on Quillette by Kara Jesella - blew my mind as a woman with radfem leanings and separatist aspirations!
December 28, 2023
Convincing argument that anti-semitism naturally results from woke ideology. If a group doesn't fit the category of absolute victim, then they're the perpetrator, and so Jews, being a relatively successful minority whose example flies in the face of woke ideological assumptions, are therefore granted honorary whiteness (even though the Nazis persecuted them for exactly the opposite reason).
Ashkenazi Jews are more closely related to Palestinians genetically than to Europeans. They're really somewhere in between. But this doesn't fit the woke paradigm. Nor does it fit that Ashkenazis are a minority in Israel, and that between Palestinian Israeli citizens (21% of the population) and Mizrahi Jews (effectively Arab Jews who fled Muslim countries—35%), Israel is by certain measures a majority Arab country.
While the book is reasonably engaging, it gets a bit too heavily into the weeds of bureaucratic ideological capture, whereas I might've preferred more historical and philosophical explication.
Ashkenazi Jews are more closely related to Palestinians genetically than to Europeans. They're really somewhere in between. But this doesn't fit the woke paradigm. Nor does it fit that Ashkenazis are a minority in Israel, and that between Palestinian Israeli citizens (21% of the population) and Mizrahi Jews (effectively Arab Jews who fled Muslim countries—35%), Israel is by certain measures a majority Arab country.
While the book is reasonably engaging, it gets a bit too heavily into the weeds of bureaucratic ideological capture, whereas I might've preferred more historical and philosophical explication.
December 23, 2025
A memoir disguised as political analysis, Woke Antisemitism traces the author's journey from liberal Jewish professional to disillusioned critic of progressive orthodoxy. As founder of the Jewish Institute for Liberal Values and former head of major Jewish advocacy organizations, Bernstein chronicles how woke ideology migrated from academic postcolonial theory at the 2001 Durban conference to campus radicalism to corporate diversity training to an ideological struggle within mainstream Jewish institutions.
The book's most compelling moments come when Bernstein grapples with specific conceptual formulations. His critique of the "prejudice plus power" definition of racism is incisive, showing how it renders antisemitism impossible when Jews are classified as white and privileged, even as they face violence and discrimination.
His discussion of makhloket l'shem shamayim ("arguments for the sake of heaven”), the Jewish tradition of debate and dissent in pursuit of truth, is interesting and warrants much more attention. The concept gets mentioned but never fully developed, which is unfortunate given how directly it challenges woke culture's intolerance of opposition.
What struck me most, reading as a European and an Israeli, was how deeply the book exposes the precariousness of American-Jewish identity. The hyphenated "Jewish-American" term is truly very unstable. The community seems profoundly anxious about its place in American society, willing to contort itself ideologically to maintain acceptance in progressive spaces even as those spaces increasingly exclude it.
Can one really be both? Bernstein's account suggests the tension may be irreconcilable: American Jews find themselves categorized as white oppressors in a binary framework that has no space for a people simultaneously successful and historically persecuted, privileged in America yet facing resurgent global hatred.
The book suffers from being too rooted in the particularities of American Jewish institutional politics; insider accounts of organizational dynamics and conference disputes might not resonate with everyone. But as a testimony to how a totalizing ideology transforms institutions and silences dissent, it’s an interesting read. Particularly valuable is Natan Sharansky's foreword, which draws explicit parallels to Soviet totalitarianism from someone who survived the Gulag.
An interesting, if sometimes parochial, account of how progressive ideology has fractured the largest Jewish diaspora community and what that fragmentation means for both American Jewry and woke ideology itself.
The book's most compelling moments come when Bernstein grapples with specific conceptual formulations. His critique of the "prejudice plus power" definition of racism is incisive, showing how it renders antisemitism impossible when Jews are classified as white and privileged, even as they face violence and discrimination.
His discussion of makhloket l'shem shamayim ("arguments for the sake of heaven”), the Jewish tradition of debate and dissent in pursuit of truth, is interesting and warrants much more attention. The concept gets mentioned but never fully developed, which is unfortunate given how directly it challenges woke culture's intolerance of opposition.
What struck me most, reading as a European and an Israeli, was how deeply the book exposes the precariousness of American-Jewish identity. The hyphenated "Jewish-American" term is truly very unstable. The community seems profoundly anxious about its place in American society, willing to contort itself ideologically to maintain acceptance in progressive spaces even as those spaces increasingly exclude it.
Can one really be both? Bernstein's account suggests the tension may be irreconcilable: American Jews find themselves categorized as white oppressors in a binary framework that has no space for a people simultaneously successful and historically persecuted, privileged in America yet facing resurgent global hatred.
The book suffers from being too rooted in the particularities of American Jewish institutional politics; insider accounts of organizational dynamics and conference disputes might not resonate with everyone. But as a testimony to how a totalizing ideology transforms institutions and silences dissent, it’s an interesting read. Particularly valuable is Natan Sharansky's foreword, which draws explicit parallels to Soviet totalitarianism from someone who survived the Gulag.
An interesting, if sometimes parochial, account of how progressive ideology has fractured the largest Jewish diaspora community and what that fragmentation means for both American Jewry and woke ideology itself.
January 24, 2024
This book definitely made me think about what I believe in. A bit redundant, which is why I gave it 4 stars.
Read
January 27, 2024Interesting perspective. I can definitely relate to this miore after October 7!
May 20, 2024
Unfortunately, I kind of loved this book. The premise is that the extreme left’s “woke” / intersectional movement naturally breeds antisemitism. TBH I don’t really agree with that argument, but he did a good job with it.
I wanted this to address how “arguments for the sake of Heaven” — i.e., the classically liberal, and very Jewish, concept that open discourse is good for society — is naturally in tension with the postmodern tenet that discourse has consequences. Bernstein suggests that he understands and appreciates the theoretical lens that intersectionality/CRT provides, but that he just has issues with the way progressives can at times insist that their ideology is the *only* way of viewing things. I agree with him. But if he really does see at least *some* value in that postmodern theoretical lens then it behooves him to acknowledge that there are often harms associated with certain types of open discourse. That doesn’t mean that those harms wouldn’t be outweighed by the benefits of a true liberal society. I just think it’s a notable hole in this book that never gets addressed. I thought we’re supposed to be steel-manning, Bernstein! No shitty arguments!
I also wish he had acknowledged that he slid into thinking that certain theoretical/academic trends were objectively bad just because they would affect Jews negatively (without regard to other potentially larger benefits). TBH I appreciate his candor, and I don’t think it’s necessarily wrong to focus on that to the exclusion of other things. But here, the author happens to repeatedly claim that he’s a liberal that seeks to better the world; if I’m supposed to take that seriously then I would want his analysis as to why he apparently thinks we should prioritize Jewish interests even though it may cause greater harm otherwise to other groups. I doubt he actually feels that strongly, though maybe he does, but it would be nice to hear his thoughts on how those desires can be in tension and how he resolves them.
Also — he mocks progressives’ harm-based morality POV (ie impact over intent). But I’d be willing to bet that he found it compelling when Jewish students said the recent campus protests made them uncomfortable, even though the protestors often explicitly disavowed antisemitism. I can’t help but wonder how he would have addressed that issue (or even if he would at all) if he had written this post-protest. It likely would have produced an even more refined, honest conversation that would have been a more compelling read.
There were a slew of other relatively minor points that I disagreed with. He makes generalized assumptions and mocks reductive caricatures. He never acknowledges that the VAST majority of progressives will absolutely let not-oppressed people speak on topics related to oppression. I find so much of this overblown, given that I’m constantly in these progressive spaces and have only ever seen openness to new perspectives and willingness to hear them out (and if that’s the case then his entire argument dissolves). Also, he pretends there’s nothing substantive worth discussing or at least acknowledging - only worth mocking - where (1) progressives say a black-Jewish cartoon character must be voiced by a black actor as opposed to a Jewish actor (i.e., ignoring that only one of those groups is underrepresented in the arts) and (2) a black man says that a Jewish man’s complaints about antisemitism aren’t substantively similar/ as serious (i.e., I think Bernstein must admit there is an economic, social and political capital that Jews have that other minorities don’t, and that that’s *also* obviously relevant). In a book where he celebrates making the best arguments against your own POV, I think he needed to engage with those points.
Stuff I loved: talking about rebuilding the center and how conservatives can and do also contribute to social justice movements/have similar goals as leftists but just think that other strategies will be more effective (and, naturally, that we should take the best arguments from each side). Tons of other stuff. I should write up summaries from my tabs but it’s accidentally 3 AM and I’m tired and lost steam from the stuff I was mad about, ha. Hopefully will come back soon to quickly note his interesting points. Suffice to say that if I’m giving five stars to a book I mostly disagreed with, it’s because it raised a good amount of points that were worth reading for one reason or another.
Giving it a 4.5, bumped up because (1) it made me want to drop my legal career and start a blog called “Rebuilding the Center” and devote my life to connecting silent moderate majorities that don’t realize how much they have in common and (2) its copious references to the NYT opinion page (which I have a soft spot for, as it was my 2023 Halloween costume — printed out liberal articles titles on left half of my body, conservative titles on the right half, holding a pizza takeout box (filled with just personal favorite printed opinion pages) that I’d open and say “would you like a hot take?” — everyone hated it but me) and (3) the author reminds me of my dad: you can just tell he’s a good guy and trying to do the right thing, even if it means striking out on his own.
Fun fact - Bernstein’s organization’s website lists the book Cynical Theories (which I loved) as suggested reading. Barry, if you’re reading this, TY for that rec - and I bet you’d enjoy this one!
I wanted this to address how “arguments for the sake of Heaven” — i.e., the classically liberal, and very Jewish, concept that open discourse is good for society — is naturally in tension with the postmodern tenet that discourse has consequences. Bernstein suggests that he understands and appreciates the theoretical lens that intersectionality/CRT provides, but that he just has issues with the way progressives can at times insist that their ideology is the *only* way of viewing things. I agree with him. But if he really does see at least *some* value in that postmodern theoretical lens then it behooves him to acknowledge that there are often harms associated with certain types of open discourse. That doesn’t mean that those harms wouldn’t be outweighed by the benefits of a true liberal society. I just think it’s a notable hole in this book that never gets addressed. I thought we’re supposed to be steel-manning, Bernstein! No shitty arguments!
I also wish he had acknowledged that he slid into thinking that certain theoretical/academic trends were objectively bad just because they would affect Jews negatively (without regard to other potentially larger benefits). TBH I appreciate his candor, and I don’t think it’s necessarily wrong to focus on that to the exclusion of other things. But here, the author happens to repeatedly claim that he’s a liberal that seeks to better the world; if I’m supposed to take that seriously then I would want his analysis as to why he apparently thinks we should prioritize Jewish interests even though it may cause greater harm otherwise to other groups. I doubt he actually feels that strongly, though maybe he does, but it would be nice to hear his thoughts on how those desires can be in tension and how he resolves them.
Also — he mocks progressives’ harm-based morality POV (ie impact over intent). But I’d be willing to bet that he found it compelling when Jewish students said the recent campus protests made them uncomfortable, even though the protestors often explicitly disavowed antisemitism. I can’t help but wonder how he would have addressed that issue (or even if he would at all) if he had written this post-protest. It likely would have produced an even more refined, honest conversation that would have been a more compelling read.
There were a slew of other relatively minor points that I disagreed with. He makes generalized assumptions and mocks reductive caricatures. He never acknowledges that the VAST majority of progressives will absolutely let not-oppressed people speak on topics related to oppression. I find so much of this overblown, given that I’m constantly in these progressive spaces and have only ever seen openness to new perspectives and willingness to hear them out (and if that’s the case then his entire argument dissolves). Also, he pretends there’s nothing substantive worth discussing or at least acknowledging - only worth mocking - where (1) progressives say a black-Jewish cartoon character must be voiced by a black actor as opposed to a Jewish actor (i.e., ignoring that only one of those groups is underrepresented in the arts) and (2) a black man says that a Jewish man’s complaints about antisemitism aren’t substantively similar/ as serious (i.e., I think Bernstein must admit there is an economic, social and political capital that Jews have that other minorities don’t, and that that’s *also* obviously relevant). In a book where he celebrates making the best arguments against your own POV, I think he needed to engage with those points.
Stuff I loved: talking about rebuilding the center and how conservatives can and do also contribute to social justice movements/have similar goals as leftists but just think that other strategies will be more effective (and, naturally, that we should take the best arguments from each side). Tons of other stuff. I should write up summaries from my tabs but it’s accidentally 3 AM and I’m tired and lost steam from the stuff I was mad about, ha. Hopefully will come back soon to quickly note his interesting points. Suffice to say that if I’m giving five stars to a book I mostly disagreed with, it’s because it raised a good amount of points that were worth reading for one reason or another.
Giving it a 4.5, bumped up because (1) it made me want to drop my legal career and start a blog called “Rebuilding the Center” and devote my life to connecting silent moderate majorities that don’t realize how much they have in common and (2) its copious references to the NYT opinion page (which I have a soft spot for, as it was my 2023 Halloween costume — printed out liberal articles titles on left half of my body, conservative titles on the right half, holding a pizza takeout box (filled with just personal favorite printed opinion pages) that I’d open and say “would you like a hot take?” — everyone hated it but me) and (3) the author reminds me of my dad: you can just tell he’s a good guy and trying to do the right thing, even if it means striking out on his own.
Fun fact - Bernstein’s organization’s website lists the book Cynical Theories (which I loved) as suggested reading. Barry, if you’re reading this, TY for that rec - and I bet you’d enjoy this one!
April 12, 2024
Initial note: I would like to have given this book 2 or 2.5 stars for its failings, but recognize its importance in the current discourse. As a centrist, I am wary of all forms of extremism, but this book does not accurately define its scope.
Picking up "Woke Antisemitism" by David Bernstein, I expected a balanced look at the intersection of Jewish identity and social justice movements. However, the book left me feeling like I only heard half the story. Bernstein paints a picture of wokeness as a dangerous ideology obsessed with identity politics and cancel culture. He argues that it demonizes whiteness, shuts down free speech, and bullies those with opposing views. While there are certainly instances of excesses within social justice movements, Bernstein's portrayal felt like a caricature.
Most importantly, Bernstein improperly defines wokeness, thus deflating the central premise of his book. To be "woke," which started in the early 1900s, actually means "alert to racial prejudice and discrimination." Over time, it came to encompass a broader awareness of social injustices, such as sexism and the denial of LGBT rights. In recent years, the far right, particularly the media, has pejoratively hijacked the term, turning it into a slur. Some may have called them the "ignorant woke," which by itself is an oxymoron.
Bernstein developed a bastardized portrayal of wokeness. Contrary to Bernstein's belief, it is not a monolithic ideology solely focused on identity politics, cancel culture, and the oppressor vs oppressed narrative. While wokeness certainly requires a recognition of societal power structures, including the oppressor/oppressed narrative, such perspectives are meant to supplement, not supplant, other social and political perspectives. To be clear, any person who sees only through the oppressor/oppressed lens becomes just as myopic as the authors of our whitewashed textbooks, thus ceasing to be woke. While Bernstein understandably rallies against a thought monopoly of the oppressor/oppressed narrative, he inaccurately applies that perspective to the woke crowd. As a result, any left perspective on racial politics unfairly becomes circumspect.
The book further troubled me with its misunderstandings of other key concepts. Bernstein seems to view Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a divisive Marxist plot, when it's actually a framework for analyzing systemic racism. Similarly, his dismissal of "standpoint theory" ignores the importance of acknowledging how marginalized groups experience the world differently. Bernstein's negative portrayal of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives also relies on outlier examples that are not "woke," but extremism that considers the oppressor/oppressed narrative and nothing else. To the contrary, DEI programs aim to promote inclusivity and challenge prejudices, not indoctrinate anyone.
Bernstein showcases selective outrage at cancel culture while seemingly overlooking similar tactics from the right. In fact, the conservative movement has a larger history of censorship than the left. Without condoning any censorship from either side, it appears that conservatives have just rebranded leftist censorship as "cancel culture" to avoid exposing its own hypocrisy.
What bothered me most was Bernstein's own lack of self-awareness. He spends a lot of time criticizing the "shrill voices" of the left, while seemingly blind to similar tactics from the right. There's also a sense of wanting to have his cake and eat it too. Bernstein calls for a return to bipartisanship, but then places the burden of compromise entirely on the left. While Bernstein suggests social justice movements should include conservative voices, there is little trust that doing so would not result in efforts being watered down, stymied, or completely controverted. To be conservative is to seek maintenance of the status quo, which is antithetical to the needs of social justice. Fox News, especially its mouthpieces Hannity and Carlson, deride every social justice movement, redefining "woke" into a slur. Bernstein does the same with this book. Why would the social justice movement seek inclusion of the very conservative voices it rallies against? That would be akin to letting the fox into the henhouse.
"Woke Antisemitism" might resonate with those who already hold strong conservative views. But for anyone seeking a nuanced exploration of wokeness and its impact on Jewish identity, this book falls short. It offers a one-sided argument, cherry-picking facts to fit a narrative, and ultimately hindering productive dialogue on important issues.
Picking up "Woke Antisemitism" by David Bernstein, I expected a balanced look at the intersection of Jewish identity and social justice movements. However, the book left me feeling like I only heard half the story. Bernstein paints a picture of wokeness as a dangerous ideology obsessed with identity politics and cancel culture. He argues that it demonizes whiteness, shuts down free speech, and bullies those with opposing views. While there are certainly instances of excesses within social justice movements, Bernstein's portrayal felt like a caricature.
Most importantly, Bernstein improperly defines wokeness, thus deflating the central premise of his book. To be "woke," which started in the early 1900s, actually means "alert to racial prejudice and discrimination." Over time, it came to encompass a broader awareness of social injustices, such as sexism and the denial of LGBT rights. In recent years, the far right, particularly the media, has pejoratively hijacked the term, turning it into a slur. Some may have called them the "ignorant woke," which by itself is an oxymoron.
Bernstein developed a bastardized portrayal of wokeness. Contrary to Bernstein's belief, it is not a monolithic ideology solely focused on identity politics, cancel culture, and the oppressor vs oppressed narrative. While wokeness certainly requires a recognition of societal power structures, including the oppressor/oppressed narrative, such perspectives are meant to supplement, not supplant, other social and political perspectives. To be clear, any person who sees only through the oppressor/oppressed lens becomes just as myopic as the authors of our whitewashed textbooks, thus ceasing to be woke. While Bernstein understandably rallies against a thought monopoly of the oppressor/oppressed narrative, he inaccurately applies that perspective to the woke crowd. As a result, any left perspective on racial politics unfairly becomes circumspect.
The book further troubled me with its misunderstandings of other key concepts. Bernstein seems to view Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a divisive Marxist plot, when it's actually a framework for analyzing systemic racism. Similarly, his dismissal of "standpoint theory" ignores the importance of acknowledging how marginalized groups experience the world differently. Bernstein's negative portrayal of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives also relies on outlier examples that are not "woke," but extremism that considers the oppressor/oppressed narrative and nothing else. To the contrary, DEI programs aim to promote inclusivity and challenge prejudices, not indoctrinate anyone.
Bernstein showcases selective outrage at cancel culture while seemingly overlooking similar tactics from the right. In fact, the conservative movement has a larger history of censorship than the left. Without condoning any censorship from either side, it appears that conservatives have just rebranded leftist censorship as "cancel culture" to avoid exposing its own hypocrisy.
What bothered me most was Bernstein's own lack of self-awareness. He spends a lot of time criticizing the "shrill voices" of the left, while seemingly blind to similar tactics from the right. There's also a sense of wanting to have his cake and eat it too. Bernstein calls for a return to bipartisanship, but then places the burden of compromise entirely on the left. While Bernstein suggests social justice movements should include conservative voices, there is little trust that doing so would not result in efforts being watered down, stymied, or completely controverted. To be conservative is to seek maintenance of the status quo, which is antithetical to the needs of social justice. Fox News, especially its mouthpieces Hannity and Carlson, deride every social justice movement, redefining "woke" into a slur. Bernstein does the same with this book. Why would the social justice movement seek inclusion of the very conservative voices it rallies against? That would be akin to letting the fox into the henhouse.
"Woke Antisemitism" might resonate with those who already hold strong conservative views. But for anyone seeking a nuanced exploration of wokeness and its impact on Jewish identity, this book falls short. It offers a one-sided argument, cherry-picking facts to fit a narrative, and ultimately hindering productive dialogue on important issues.
January 19, 2024
I agree with all of Bernstein’s ideas. I gave it four points only because the end was a bit repetitive.
March 1, 2024
In the aftermath of the October 7th attack, this book helps to explain something the Jewish community has been facing. Of course, the book was written before the attack, but it's more relevant than ever.
Since "woke" people believe in the opressor/oppressed binary, anyone who is successful is considered "opressor" and anyone deemed "opressed" is a virtuous victim. The goal of woke people is to bring down the "opressors." Jewish people are a minority (perhaps the most persecuted minority in history), but because they are so successful, woke people lump them in as "white oppressors." This causes horrible antisemitism in "woke" communities.
Many Jewish people are liberal, but antisemitism caused by woke ideology causes a problem for many liberal Jews.
One really good point that is made in this book...during the Holocaust, Jewish people were not considered white, and they paid with their lives. Now, woke people want to say that Jewish people are white and benefiting from white privilege (with the exception of black Jews). Imagine telling Ann Frank that she is benefiting from white privilege. People are so quick to forget things that happened only 80 years ago.
Since "woke" people believe in the opressor/oppressed binary, anyone who is successful is considered "opressor" and anyone deemed "opressed" is a virtuous victim. The goal of woke people is to bring down the "opressors." Jewish people are a minority (perhaps the most persecuted minority in history), but because they are so successful, woke people lump them in as "white oppressors." This causes horrible antisemitism in "woke" communities.
Many Jewish people are liberal, but antisemitism caused by woke ideology causes a problem for many liberal Jews.
One really good point that is made in this book...during the Holocaust, Jewish people were not considered white, and they paid with their lives. Now, woke people want to say that Jewish people are white and benefiting from white privilege (with the exception of black Jews). Imagine telling Ann Frank that she is benefiting from white privilege. People are so quick to forget things that happened only 80 years ago.
January 24, 2025
This is mostly just a biography of the antisemitism the author faced from the left. Talks about how woke progressive ideology erases jewish identity and exacerbate antisemitism, but only from this guys personal experience. Because of this, it's very surface level and doesnt really teach you much. Honestly a skip. I do like this quote though: "Conservative antisemitism is primarily immediate and political. From the left its cultural, slower acting. Comparing the two is like comparing a heart attack to cancer"
June 15, 2024
Very eye-opening, without sounding like a conspiracy theory. It’s a pity this book is mostly geared towards a Jewish audience, because many (or even most) points it makes against woke culture are really applicable to the entire society.
August 6, 2024
Despite how it may appear from the inflammatory title, the author is liberal, and makes some compelling arguments about how far left ideology may be harmful to the Jewish community.
November 14, 2023
This is an important read. The author shares import data as well as narrative experience that is impacting Jewish life in America today.
April 21, 2024
Incredibly well written! Explains everything and reveals the hidden agendas being taught. A crucially important book!
October 10, 2024
There's a lot I liked. I'm seven years older than the author, but I think he'd still be a great guy to chat with over beer and pizza. He engages in the first few chapters which integrate his growing up in the 70s and 80s when liberals who could admit they might be weong, that free speech ruked, that civil liberties elevated the rights of open expression and fair debates, and that conserving what tradition had crafted for our social structure might have advantages, not dismissed out of hand for "change."
As his mother comes from Iraq, he brings to the discussion a broader perspective, as technically after all his DNA tallies him 50.4% "Western Asian" over his Ashkenazi father! But how "Asian" does these data make him feel, or identify as? That kind of.link between his "lived experiences," and the imposed essentialist definition that progressives (or the far-right) might insist reduces Bernstein's deeper allegiances to, shallow statistics, exemplifies the benefits that his wider vision affords us, in terms of scrutiny of policy. The result is a typical melange of interviews, quotes, observations, and evidence.
After thirty years working in the advocacy field in Jewish progressive and liberal circles, he offers practical suggestions for alignment between such endeavors as his Jewish Institute for Liberal Values and center rather than leftist causes. He writes of their fraying and the futility of altering progressive dogma that's embedded itself post-2020 into American philanthropy and lobbyists, think tanks and charities, Jewish organizations and their purportedly anti-racist champions. He eschews sensation, avoids satire, or refuses to take potshots. It makes for a less dynamic narrative, sure. And not full of the verve I'd anticipated. But his thoughtful plans for a better coalition with the fringe "activists" sorelg under-informed, and the academic, government, and non-profit timeservers will mean this book's recommended stray will outlive ephemeral snark peddlers. I imagine a second edition in press.
As his mother comes from Iraq, he brings to the discussion a broader perspective, as technically after all his DNA tallies him 50.4% "Western Asian" over his Ashkenazi father! But how "Asian" does these data make him feel, or identify as? That kind of.link between his "lived experiences," and the imposed essentialist definition that progressives (or the far-right) might insist reduces Bernstein's deeper allegiances to, shallow statistics, exemplifies the benefits that his wider vision affords us, in terms of scrutiny of policy. The result is a typical melange of interviews, quotes, observations, and evidence.
After thirty years working in the advocacy field in Jewish progressive and liberal circles, he offers practical suggestions for alignment between such endeavors as his Jewish Institute for Liberal Values and center rather than leftist causes. He writes of their fraying and the futility of altering progressive dogma that's embedded itself post-2020 into American philanthropy and lobbyists, think tanks and charities, Jewish organizations and their purportedly anti-racist champions. He eschews sensation, avoids satire, or refuses to take potshots. It makes for a less dynamic narrative, sure. And not full of the verve I'd anticipated. But his thoughtful plans for a better coalition with the fringe "activists" sorelg under-informed, and the academic, government, and non-profit timeservers will mean this book's recommended stray will outlive ephemeral snark peddlers. I imagine a second edition in press.
June 18, 2024
Written a couple of years ago, the book is a useful source to better understand the outpouring of antisemitic vitriol emanating from the far-left in the aftermath of October 7. Bernstein places the blame on the illiberal dogmatic implementation of "woke" ideology focused on race and power (i.e. structural racism, privilege, and white supremacy). This framing defines Jews as white, privileged, and powerful and therefore always the oppressors and never the oppressed. Add in postcolonialism and Israel becomes the problem even when attacked.
The focus is primarily on how this way of thinking has impacted American Jewish organizations, which the author has been involved with for decades, and how it has undermined traditional Jewish values, including the openness to healthy debate. He concludes with some concrete steps that these groups should take to break from what he sees as an insidious and damaging influence. For instance, he warns that seemingly well-intentioned DEI policies can be wielded as weapons to limit the participation of Jews in critical areas.
Although he makes some good points, he also commits several serious errors. The biggest one is that he defines "wokeness" in a way that makes it very easy to attack. He starts off by stating that he generally stays away from using the term Critical Race Theory (CRT) "because CRT can be a valid theoretical lens and only becomes a problem when it ceases to be just a theory and ripens into dogma that aims to crowd out other perspectives." But then he uses it over a dozen times, equates it to Ibrahim X. Kendi's controversial definition of "anti-racism" which he also misrepresents, and attributes as gospel to the progressive left. He then blames it for cancel culture, the repression of free speech, the corruption of K-12 and higher education, and discriminatory DEI policies.
The focus is primarily on how this way of thinking has impacted American Jewish organizations, which the author has been involved with for decades, and how it has undermined traditional Jewish values, including the openness to healthy debate. He concludes with some concrete steps that these groups should take to break from what he sees as an insidious and damaging influence. For instance, he warns that seemingly well-intentioned DEI policies can be wielded as weapons to limit the participation of Jews in critical areas.
Although he makes some good points, he also commits several serious errors. The biggest one is that he defines "wokeness" in a way that makes it very easy to attack. He starts off by stating that he generally stays away from using the term Critical Race Theory (CRT) "because CRT can be a valid theoretical lens and only becomes a problem when it ceases to be just a theory and ripens into dogma that aims to crowd out other perspectives." But then he uses it over a dozen times, equates it to Ibrahim X. Kendi's controversial definition of "anti-racism" which he also misrepresents, and attributes as gospel to the progressive left. He then blames it for cancel culture, the repression of free speech, the corruption of K-12 and higher education, and discriminatory DEI policies.
May 29, 2025
It’s not a book about the theory and argument agains woke antisemitism, but more like of a memoir of a person in the academia trying to make sense of this new crowd madness plague taking form around him.
Unfortunately, the result of all of this was October the 7th, and this book describes quite correctly the atmosphere we were all seeing in the last twisted couple of years. Is this sentiment over and done with? I doubt it, we’ve seen the reactions post october.
The one thing I did notice is that the author still tries to fight woke antisemitism in its own tools, or at least, his beliefs that the left wing still offers a place for jews. It doesn’t seems so, rationality is still very much far at reach. I don’t know what changed with him after October, but I’m positive that perhaps it made him look at the bigger picture, and the need for American jews to stop blind following the people who eventually makes their lives miserable from both the left and the right side of the map.
this endorsement sums it up quite well: “Like moths attracted to the flames that can consume them, Jews have long sought salvation in ideologies that ultimately sought to destroy them. It happened with communism and is being repeated with young Jews’ visceral embrace of ‘wokeness’ that in the name of freedom and equality, snuffs out freedom of thought and equality for Jews. David Bernstein’s thoughtful and alarming account of precisely why and how ‘woke’ ideology threatens the Jewish people could not come at a more critical moment. One can only pray that those who most need to read this book do so before it is too late.” —Daniel Gordis
Unfortunately, the result of all of this was October the 7th, and this book describes quite correctly the atmosphere we were all seeing in the last twisted couple of years. Is this sentiment over and done with? I doubt it, we’ve seen the reactions post october.
The one thing I did notice is that the author still tries to fight woke antisemitism in its own tools, or at least, his beliefs that the left wing still offers a place for jews. It doesn’t seems so, rationality is still very much far at reach. I don’t know what changed with him after October, but I’m positive that perhaps it made him look at the bigger picture, and the need for American jews to stop blind following the people who eventually makes their lives miserable from both the left and the right side of the map.
this endorsement sums it up quite well: “Like moths attracted to the flames that can consume them, Jews have long sought salvation in ideologies that ultimately sought to destroy them. It happened with communism and is being repeated with young Jews’ visceral embrace of ‘wokeness’ that in the name of freedom and equality, snuffs out freedom of thought and equality for Jews. David Bernstein’s thoughtful and alarming account of precisely why and how ‘woke’ ideology threatens the Jewish people could not come at a more critical moment. One can only pray that those who most need to read this book do so before it is too late.” —Daniel Gordis
December 5, 2025
A strong argument in favor of liberal values and a reaction to cultural trends that existed when it was published. The book errs and goes too far in some respects, and would benefit from a stronger argument in favor of a connection between the ideology it critiques and the results it argues are inevitable. It would be interesting to see the author discuss whether such an ideology can coexist without the simplicity that often leads to (or falls into a spiral of) antisemitism, and discuss examples within the Jewish community and outside of it that manage that balance, tenuous as it may be.
Still, the central thesis is compelling and well-argued, and even if I think it may be overly strong on the causation it posits and on the inevitability of that causation, I think the overall argument in favor of reviving liberalism as a political ideology and revamping Jewish communal outreach and approaches is well-taken.
The biggest question looming over this pre-10/7 book remains, though: is it too late?
Still, the central thesis is compelling and well-argued, and even if I think it may be overly strong on the causation it posits and on the inevitability of that causation, I think the overall argument in favor of reviving liberalism as a political ideology and revamping Jewish communal outreach and approaches is well-taken.
The biggest question looming over this pre-10/7 book remains, though: is it too late?
August 16, 2026
The central premise of this book was that liberal Jews have bought into woke mentality where one cannot question the party line, no matter what. This is both antithetical to Jewish tradition and to democratic society. It was interesting reading this book post October 7 and the protests because I think many Jews (myself included) have realized over the past few years just why woke ideology is so annoying (at best) and dangerous (at worst), not just to Jews my but to liberalism. I enjoyed the action items at the end of the book and found the writing style and examples very accessible. Didn’t give it a higher rating because so much of the book talked about his personal experience which, while easy to read, missed some of them more academic and journalistic framing I was expecting. I’ve seen books of this type do a much better job presenting an idea through an academic lens while integrating examples to improve readability.
August 24, 2026
An eye opening, challenging book that forces us to meet woke-ism squarely with a response of fundamental liberal values - tolerance, fairness, and willingness to engage with people who disagree. The main theme of the book that feels most relevant at the moment is the trading of these agreeable values with perspectives on race/racism for example that have moved on from MLK's universal vision of 'brotherhood' to focusing on power/powerlessness, privilege, and reverse discrimination through enforcing equality through restriction or addition rather than as MLK taught 'by the content of our character'.
December 8, 2023
I read this book because I wanted to really understand left-wing antisemitism, but I was disappointed by the ranting tone and cherry-picked evidence here, which led me to distrust Bernstein's analysis. He is clearly intent on preaching to the choir rather than persuading those who are interested but not yet convinced.
David Baddiel's Jews Don't Count is so much better.
David Baddiel's Jews Don't Count is so much better.
October 30, 2024
Bernstein deserves credit for the courage he showed in writing this book. I'm sure that he must have endured bullying and cancelling as a result. He discusses how Jews fit into leftist ideology, and how leftist ideology creates antisemitism. He also talks about the Jewish institutions that bought into this philosophy and some of the history of Jewish involvement in social justice movements. This book was published before 10/7/2023. Bernstein is somewhat of a visionary. This is a very depressing book. However, his thoughts ring true.
November 25, 2025
David Bernstein was eerily prescient when he wrote this book. He was onto something many of us only woke up to on October 8th. (I had to check the publication date several times while reading this.) This is critical reading for anyone who’s been trying to put into words the pain that lifelong Jewish activists, allies, and social justice warriors have been feeling for (at least) the last two years.
March 28, 2025
I was shocked by what happened in the United States on October 8, 2023 - and the antisemitism continues unfortunately. I think a lot of people who have a moral compass were also shocked. But Bernstein wrote this book a year before the war started when most of us were still unaware how bad antisemitism had become at elite colleges and universities - and in other institutions.
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