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Hindenburg: Power, Myth, and the Rise of the Nazis
Hindenburg reveals how a previously little-known general, whose career to normal retirement age had provided no real foretaste of his heroic status, became a national icon and living myth in Germany after the First World War, capturing the imagination of millions. In a period characterized by rupture and fragmentation, the legend surrounding Paul von Hindenburg brought together a broad coalition of Germans and became one of the most potent forces in Weimar politics.
Charting the origins of the myth, from Hindenburg's decisive victory at the Battle of Tannenberg in 1914 to his death in Nazi Germany and beyond, Anna Menge explains why the presence of Hindenburg's name on the ballot mesmerized an overwhelming number of voters in the presidential elections of 1925. His myth-an ever-evolving phenomenon-increasingly transcended the dividing lines of interwar politics, which helped him secure re-election by left-wing and moderate voters. Indeed, the only two times in German history that the people could elect their head of state directly and secretly, they chose this national icon. Hindenburg even managed to defeat Adolf Hitler in 1932, making him the Nazi leader's final arbiter; it was he who made the final and fateful decision to appoint Hitler as Chancellor in January 1933.
Charting the origins of the myth, from Hindenburg's decisive victory at the Battle of Tannenberg in 1914 to his death in Nazi Germany and beyond, Anna Menge explains why the presence of Hindenburg's name on the ballot mesmerized an overwhelming number of voters in the presidential elections of 1925. His myth-an ever-evolving phenomenon-increasingly transcended the dividing lines of interwar politics, which helped him secure re-election by left-wing and moderate voters. Indeed, the only two times in German history that the people could elect their head of state directly and secretly, they chose this national icon. Hindenburg even managed to defeat Adolf Hitler in 1932, making him the Nazi leader's final arbiter; it was he who made the final and fateful decision to appoint Hitler as Chancellor in January 1933.
344 pages, Hardcover
First published September 10, 2009
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About the author
Anna von der Goltz
3 booksAnna von der Goltz is an associate professor of German history in the BMW Center for German and European Studies in the School of Foreign Service and the Department of History at Georgetown University.
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Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews
April 23, 2019
The loss of the Great War, the Great Depression and political catastrophe are often cited as the reasons for the Nazi’s ascension to power in Germany. They were factors but there’s another: Paul von Hindenburg.
President Hindenburg appointed Adolf Hitler chancellor on 30 January 1933. But, as Anna von der Goltz says, he had a choice. Hindenburg could’ve declared a state of emergency and put the army in charge. A military dictatorship didn’t rule out a return to democracy but the appointment of the Nazis did.
Germany was paralysed in January 1932. The country had been a virtual dictatorship since 1930 when the government could not get legislation passed by the Reichstag, the parliament. Chancellors, starting with Heinrich Brüning, governed by decree. Article 48 of the Weimar constitution empowered the President to issue decrees without reference to, or approval, of the Reichstag.
There were three chancellors in 1932: Brüning, sacked on 30 May; Franz von Papen sacked on 17 November and Kurt von Schleicher who resigned on 28 January. Von Schleicher wanted Hindenburg to declare a state of emergency to prevent the Nazis coming to power. Hindenburg refused because he might have feared impeachment, as others have argued*.
It’s not the kind of response to be expected from a man whose reputation was that of a selfless individual whose sense of duty to his country had motivated him to twice come out of retirement to serve.
Anna von der Goltz has constructed a compelling argument to explain Paul von Hindenburg’s unique place in German history. His power came from the mythology forged on the battlefield of the Great War. The great extent of that mythology’s power is shown by Hindenburg being blameless for his country’s defeat. It is extraordinary that the man who was his country’s Supreme Commander and who virtually directed the war effort wasn’t held responsible. He was instead hailed a hero.
Von der Goltz doesn’t spend much time explaining the origins of that supposed heroism. It was forged on the battlefield of Tannenberg between 26 August and 30 August 1914. It was one of the first major battles of World War One. Britain and France’s ally, Russia, agreed to take the pressure of France by invading Germany from the east. Two armies invaded German East Prussia in August 1914.
The outnumbered Germans outmanoeuvred the Russians. They were helped by the respective Russian commanders’ intense dislike for each other. Against immense odds, the Germans prevailed and pushed back the Russians.
Paul von Hindenburg retired from the army in 1911 after a 45-year career. In 1906 he was considered for the role of Chief of the General Staff, the Kaiser’s chief military advisor. It was an indication of the esteem in which he was held.
“Personable and usually well-liked by those who met face-to-face, but not a great orator or brilliant intellectual, Hindenburg never excelled in creativity or strategic thinking throughout his solidly successful career displaying little of the military genius would be that would later be attributed to him.”
Hindenburg came out of retirement when the Great War started. He rose to the role of Supreme Commander. After his country’s defeat, he again retired. He expressed anti-republican views but cultivated an image of a non-partisan hero.
He left retirement for the second time in 1925 to contest the presidential election. The pro-monarchist was a candidate to be head of state of a republic.
Anna von der Goltz has written a detailed and convincing case that explains the Hindenburg phenomenon. Not only did Hindenburg aid and abet the Nazi’s rise, he allowed himself to be used by them. He even wrote a “political will” made public after his death in 1934 in which he gave his imprimatur to the Nazis.
The reasons for the Nazis rise are many and complex. This book explains Hindenburg’s contribution and how it happened.
* See Alexander B. Bitter, Kurt Von Schleicher. The Soldier and Politics In The Run-Up To National Socialism: A Case Study Of Civil-Military Relations, 2013, p80.
President Hindenburg appointed Adolf Hitler chancellor on 30 January 1933. But, as Anna von der Goltz says, he had a choice. Hindenburg could’ve declared a state of emergency and put the army in charge. A military dictatorship didn’t rule out a return to democracy but the appointment of the Nazis did.
Germany was paralysed in January 1932. The country had been a virtual dictatorship since 1930 when the government could not get legislation passed by the Reichstag, the parliament. Chancellors, starting with Heinrich Brüning, governed by decree. Article 48 of the Weimar constitution empowered the President to issue decrees without reference to, or approval, of the Reichstag.
There were three chancellors in 1932: Brüning, sacked on 30 May; Franz von Papen sacked on 17 November and Kurt von Schleicher who resigned on 28 January. Von Schleicher wanted Hindenburg to declare a state of emergency to prevent the Nazis coming to power. Hindenburg refused because he might have feared impeachment, as others have argued*.
It’s not the kind of response to be expected from a man whose reputation was that of a selfless individual whose sense of duty to his country had motivated him to twice come out of retirement to serve.
Anna von der Goltz has constructed a compelling argument to explain Paul von Hindenburg’s unique place in German history. His power came from the mythology forged on the battlefield of the Great War. The great extent of that mythology’s power is shown by Hindenburg being blameless for his country’s defeat. It is extraordinary that the man who was his country’s Supreme Commander and who virtually directed the war effort wasn’t held responsible. He was instead hailed a hero.
Von der Goltz doesn’t spend much time explaining the origins of that supposed heroism. It was forged on the battlefield of Tannenberg between 26 August and 30 August 1914. It was one of the first major battles of World War One. Britain and France’s ally, Russia, agreed to take the pressure of France by invading Germany from the east. Two armies invaded German East Prussia in August 1914.
The outnumbered Germans outmanoeuvred the Russians. They were helped by the respective Russian commanders’ intense dislike for each other. Against immense odds, the Germans prevailed and pushed back the Russians.
Paul von Hindenburg retired from the army in 1911 after a 45-year career. In 1906 he was considered for the role of Chief of the General Staff, the Kaiser’s chief military advisor. It was an indication of the esteem in which he was held.
“Personable and usually well-liked by those who met face-to-face, but not a great orator or brilliant intellectual, Hindenburg never excelled in creativity or strategic thinking throughout his solidly successful career displaying little of the military genius would be that would later be attributed to him.”
Hindenburg came out of retirement when the Great War started. He rose to the role of Supreme Commander. After his country’s defeat, he again retired. He expressed anti-republican views but cultivated an image of a non-partisan hero.
He left retirement for the second time in 1925 to contest the presidential election. The pro-monarchist was a candidate to be head of state of a republic.
Anna von der Goltz has written a detailed and convincing case that explains the Hindenburg phenomenon. Not only did Hindenburg aid and abet the Nazi’s rise, he allowed himself to be used by them. He even wrote a “political will” made public after his death in 1934 in which he gave his imprimatur to the Nazis.
The reasons for the Nazis rise are many and complex. This book explains Hindenburg’s contribution and how it happened.
* See Alexander B. Bitter, Kurt Von Schleicher. The Soldier and Politics In The Run-Up To National Socialism: A Case Study Of Civil-Military Relations, 2013, p80.
March 1, 2011
If you want to understand how the nationalistic fervor of 1930 Nazi Germany you have to run back to the 30 years wars, but this gives you immediate scope of how, along with other anti-semetic events such as the Dreyfus Affair (not mentioned in the book), that Germany was just freshly tilled soil prepared for the seeding of the Nazis.
The book almost stays out of the Nazi era until the last few chapters, so don't get the idea this is just another backdrop book on Hitler, as it is absolutely not. This book is about Paul Von Hindenburg and his relentless campaign to protect his personal image and how that image quickly became Mythical, in a way that would embarrass Superman or Spiderman, and eventually, by the early 1930's had become a split mythology between the "Victor of Tannenburg" and the Politick and President Hindenburg.
I've got one last thing to say: "stab-in-the-back." That should carry you a while!
The book almost stays out of the Nazi era until the last few chapters, so don't get the idea this is just another backdrop book on Hitler, as it is absolutely not. This book is about Paul Von Hindenburg and his relentless campaign to protect his personal image and how that image quickly became Mythical, in a way that would embarrass Superman or Spiderman, and eventually, by the early 1930's had become a split mythology between the "Victor of Tannenburg" and the Politick and President Hindenburg.
I've got one last thing to say: "stab-in-the-back." That should carry you a while!
May 11, 2020
I was very impressed with this which is both an interesting read and an informative study of Hindenburg's undeservedly high reputation in Imperial Germany, the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich and to an extent in the history books.
Understandably with such a huge topic it takes quite a broad approach but for those wanting to study individual episodes in Hindenburg's role in the rise of the Nazis the footnotes, which are detailed enough to comprise about a third of the book, provide a lot of pointers towards useful sources.
Understandably with such a huge topic it takes quite a broad approach but for those wanting to study individual episodes in Hindenburg's role in the rise of the Nazis the footnotes, which are detailed enough to comprise about a third of the book, provide a lot of pointers towards useful sources.
November 18, 2010
Very readable, and a helpful look at the era leading up to Hitler and Nazi Germany.
The first third of the book bears chilling parallels to what was happening in the U.s. following the attacks of September 11.
The first third of the book bears chilling parallels to what was happening in the U.s. following the attacks of September 11.
October 5, 2014
Field Marshall Paul von Hindenburg "led" the German army during WW1 (lets be serious, Ludendorff did all the heavy lifting), but he was subsequently made into a propaganda figure around whom all of Germany rallied. He later became the leader of the Weimar Republic and helped Hitler rise to power.Both Hitler and the Kaiser would use him as a propaganda tool to bolster their regimes, the titan with the bristling mustache clad in full Prussian uniform harkened to many the figure of the Iron Chancellor, and Hinderburg's simple, old fashioned values also helped ordinary Germans respect the man. (against his wishes, but by this time the old man was dying).
January 23, 2015
Nice reading.
Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews