Dreamers and Schemers is a fast-moving narrative history of Australian politics. It is mostly politics of the type reported by the daily media - clashes of personalties, parties, interests and ideologies - but with the historian's benefit of hindsight, of who and what mattered in the long run.
Broader social history and narrower policy detail are included only as brief context, but 50 pages of references provide sources to follow up for readers wanting to know more.
The book's author, ANU historian Frank Bongiorno, mostly keeps the partisan and polemical style of his Twitter feed out; when it appears it is usually better than cheap social media insults, and can convey a lot in a few words through memorable images and juxtapositions.
An example is Pauline Hanson and One Nation's political return in 2016, described as a 'madcap revival tour of an ageing rock group, but one that had been pretty dreadful the first time around'. I could picture this imaginary group playing in the RSL clubs where Hanson's supporters get cheap meals and then lose their money in the pokies machines.
This style is regularly and successfully used through Dreamers and Schemers. I am no expert on Queensland's parliament in the late 19th century, but Bongiorno's description of it - 'an island where unpolished wool kings and knockabout lawyers were guided by the poise, polish and obscure Greek and Latin allusions of English imperial careerists such as Bowen and Herbert' - conveys a lot of information in a small number of words.
Bongiorno's one-sentence descriptions of his characters are also effective. In conveying Labor politician HV Evatt's mid-20th century potential appeal to middle-class voters, at a time when the Labor Party was still working class, his vivid lead into the main point reads 'with dazzling qualifications, a stellar career, and a Modigliani on the wall of a happy family home...', with the Modigliani mention hinting at how Evatt would end up just being too weird for anyone to tolerate (later we are told that Evatt so feared flying that he once took fishing lines on board, to catch food in the event of crash).
The social background of 1940s NSW Labor premier (and later Governor-General), William McKell, after Bongiorno praises him for increased funding for the arts, is also quickly summarised through his tastes - 'Gilbert and Sullivan, Rugby League and horsereacing'. Victorian premier Henry Bolte was a Liberal, but otherwise McKell's southern sociological equivalent, he 'enjoyed reading the form guide, was sports mad, and looked like a porcine country bookmaker.'
When Bongiorno reaches the 1980s, the subject of one of his previous books, he covers events I remember. These include the 1985 Victorian Labor conference when right-wing unions that had split from Labor in the 1950s were readmitted: 'angry opponents sprayed insults, saliva, fists and tomatoes ...'. For a while the left of Victorian Labor was known as the 'tomato left', for reasons Bongiorno's quote makes clear, but which at the time must have baffled people new to the political scene. What do tomatoes have to do with socialism?
The 1980s political contest for the federal Liberal leadership, between Andrew Peacock and John Howard, was 'a little like comparing a character out of LA Law to a suburban solicitor with a solid conveyancing practice'. Another politician said to exude the 'image of the prudent suburban solicitor that he had been before elected to parliament', Victorian 1980s Labor premier John Cain, like Howard enjoyed greater political success than many of the more flamboyant leaders in Bongiorno's history.
Dreamers and Schemers accidentally highlighted me for me that Johns played an outsized role in late 20th century politics. John Elliott, once touted as a future Liberal leader, is portrayed as of the McKell and Bolte social type: 'Elliott exuded an old-fashioned masculinity that found expression in beer, smokes and sport'. Someone who did become Liberal leader, John Hewson, was 'an academic economist, restaurateur, and political adviser', the first two descriptions doing the picture painting work.
With former Pauline Hanson adviser John Pasquarelli the last two descriptions are key: 'bald headed, former Papua and New Guinea politician and crocodile hunter', his colourful CV at odds with the former student politicians who often became political advisers from the 1980s onwards. Hanson's previous life as a fish-and-chip shop owner of course gets a mention.
The dreamers and schemers theme, the visionaries and the pragmatists, is only implied through most of the text. Gough Whitlam was a dreamer, but his point that 'only the impotent are pure' is made; it takes both political types to get things done. This book is a readable account of the political figures who have shaped Australian life since European settlement began in 1788.