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A principios de 1985, el director de cine chileno Miguel Littín -que figura en una lista de cinco mil exiliados con prohibición absoluta de volver a su tierra- estuvo en Chile por artes clandestinas durante seis semanas y filmó más de siete mil metros de película sobre la realidad de su país después de doce años de dictadura militar. Con la cara cambiada, con un estilo distinto de vestir y de hablar, con documentos falsos y con la ayuda y la protección de las organizaciones democráticas que actúan en la clandestinidad, Littín dirigió a lo largo y lo hondo del territorio nacional -inclusive dentro del Palacio de la Moneda- tres equipos europeos de cine que habían entrado al mismo tiempo que él con diversas coberturas legales, y a otros seis equipos juveniles de la resistencia interna. El resultado fue una película de cuatro horas para la televisión y otra de dos horas para el cine, que empiezan a proyectarse por estos días en todo el mundo.
Hace unos seis meses, cuando Miguel Littín me contó en Madrid lo que había hecho, y cómo lo había hecho, pensé que detrás de su película había otra película sin hacer que corría el riesgo de quedarse inédita. Fue así como aceptó someterse a un interrogatorio agotador de casi una semana, cuya versión magnetofónica duraba dieciocho horas. Allí quedo completa la aventura humana, con todas sus implicaciones profesionales y políticas, que yo he vuelto a contar condensada en esta serie de diez capítulos.
Algunos nombres han sido cambiados y muchas circunstancias alteradas para proteger a los protagonistas que siguen viviendo dentro de Chile.
152 pages, Hardcover
First published May 1, 1986
[Even] Littín briefly finds himself reflecting that he could easily live in this country. He and the teams of filmmakers he deploys like a spymaster throughout the country never seem to be in any real danger. There is some suspense over Littín's being unmasked, but one senses it would lead to nothing graver than his expulsion from the country; the reign of terror in this locked-up Chile seems to have subsided. There is little in this book that might disturb the tranquility of those who argue that, on balance, the coup and the Pinochet dictatorship were worth enduring because of the relative prosperity and stability, and the return to democratic rule that was its undeniable result.
The new Pudahuel airport, however, lies on an expressway with a modern lighting system and that was a bad start for someone like me who, convinced of the evil of the dictatorship, needed to see clear evidence of its failures in the streets, in daily life, and in people's behavior, all of which could be filmed and shown to the world. But now my disquiet gave way to frank disappointment. [...]
Contrary to what we had heard in exile, Santiago was a radiant city, its venerable monuments spendidly illuminated, its streets spotlessly clean and orderly. If anything, armed policemen were more in evidence on the streets of Paris or New York than here.
But with the same rigorousness she was to display every moment of the days to follow, she would not open the door until the password game was complete.
"Goddammit! I muttered to myself, thinking not just of Elena but of Ely [his real wife] too. "They're all alike." And I continued to reply to the interrogation in the manner I most detest in life, that of the housebroken husband.
Allende rejiminin sonuna kadar Şili yalnızca alçakgönüllü bir ülke olarak kalmıyordu, aynı zamanda tutucu burjuvazisi bile sadeliği ulusal bir erdem olarak görüyordu. İşbaşına gelen askeri cunta, ülkenin varlık içinde yüzdüğünü etkileyici bir biçimde göstermek isteyince Allende'nin kamulaştırdığı her şeyi hemen yeniden özelleştirdi, değerli ne varsa girişimcilere ve çokuluslu şirketlere sattı. Bunun sonucunda, gösterişli lüks mallarda büyük bir patlama oldu, kamu işlerinde göz boyayıcılık aldı yürüdü, böylece de ülkede görülesi bir zenginlik ve ekonomik denge olduğu yanılsaması yaratılmış oldu.