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Legacy Of The Prophet: Despots, Democrats, And The New Politics Of Islam
The World Trade Center bombing, suicide attacks in Israel, the slaughter of tourists in Egypt and innocents in Algeria. One of the world's great religions, Islam has become identified today with senseless bloodshed, its followers branded as irrational fanatics with a penchant for violence. Ours is the era of the "Islamic threat." But another story remains to be told. Beyond the headlines, a transformation is under way in both the style and message of Islamic politics at the end of the twentieth a startling shift from militancy to democracy with vast implications for the West. Drawing on his years of reporting in more than a dozen countries of the Muslim world, Anthony Shadid charts the striking way in which the adolescence of yesterday's Islamic militants is yielding to the maturity of today's activists. Through interview and travelogue, he chronicles a new generation-in Lebanon, Egypt, Turkey and elsewhere-that is finding a more realistic and potentially more successful future through democratic politics. A crucial element of this change, and of Legacy of the Prophet , is his exploration of the failure of militant Islam in countries like Sudan and Iran, defeats that ironically may help make way for an alternative, democratic future. The transformation promises a better future for a region long ruled by soldiers and despots. For the West, it offers a compelling opportunity to find common ground with the Muslim world. But to do so, the book argues that we must make the difficult choice of supporting the emergence of democratic Islamic movements, possibly even allowing to come to power governments that, as it stands, have no love for the West. Legacy of the Prophet promises to redefine the debate over the future of political Islam.
352 pages, Paperback
First published December 31, 2000
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About the author
Anthony Shadid
8 books48 followersAnthony Shadid was a foreign correspondent for The New York Times based in Baghdad and Beirut who won the Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting twice, in 2004 and 2010.
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
March 4, 2009
This book was researched, written and published before 9/11 but it starts with another defining terrorist incident, the massacre of foreign tourists at Luxor, Egypt in 1997. Shadid writes “in a frighteningly short time, one of history’s most sublime prophetic messages had become a faith defined not by the omnipotence of God and the need for generosity and justice but by a darker, more menacing side of human nature.” This work is about political Islam, an ‘ideology’ that by aligning itself with the disinherited is reminiscence of political parties of old. Shadid writes that Islamic activists use a
mix of religion and social activism to gain popular support and win elections.
He argues that part of the revival of the faith has occurred as a result of the popularization (democratization) of interpreting the Qur’an but with a turn to radicalism as its flipside. Though he does not draw the analogy, it can be likened to the groups that broke away from Catholicism as they began to interpret the bible for themselves which has also led to some radicalism.
For the Taliban he describes the prayer scenes in their camps and their view that there is clarity in God. Theirs is the theme that “Islam spoke with clarity, offered simplicity and served as a familiar refuge in troubled times.” But Shadid notes the simplicity of the Qur’an and Sunna is complemented by ambiguity. Because the Prophet and Companions did not hand down a specific organizational structure for the community of Muslims it’s up to the community to decide. Shadid states the concept of Shura as, “If it serves the community’s interest and does nothing to contradict Islam’s values, ethics and ideals, then nothing should stop the community form adopting it as its own and employing it in its pursuit of freedom and justice. However that raises the issue of who decides if it is contradictory to Islam?
Chapter 3’s subtitle ‘The Rise and Fall of Militant Islam in a War Without Borders’ is a bit premature, however the chapter itself explains much regarding the current terrorism problem because we now have a “wandering army of Afghan Arabs in a borderless jihad.” This is because the West and Arab world support of the mujahideen has come back to bite them. The war against the Russians in Afghanistan was a training ground (as is the current war in Iraq.) Egyptian trained Afghans got Egyptians to enlist in Mujahideen. Saudi Arabian airlines gave discounts to men flying to help the Mujahideen. Much more pertinent is anti-communists in the Reagan administration portrayed them as freedom fighters and provided much assistance to them although in reality they were some of the most Islamically minded, autocratic and anti-American activists the US had ever dealt with.
When discussing Iran the author quotes an Iranian dissident as saying of the clerics, “They have tried to monopolize Him but as Muslims they should know they cannot monopolize God.” He finds a further complaint as another dissident notes The government and its people hide behind Islam but this is not Islam. The government justified its rules through one interpretation of Islam that it transferred into an official ideology. There was no room for dissent. Devotion to Islam meant devotion to the state.
However, though there is a large portion of the book devoted to the attempted theocracies in Iran and Sudan, the author discusses more moderate groups. The concept of Islamic nationalism is a compelling idea because it speaks to the disinherited and that is political Islam. Shadid discusses groups that at one time were violent but have turned to social activism. Hezbollah, Hamas, the Center Party and the Refah Partisi are groups that have adopted this social activism (the latter two being denied legitimate status in their own countries, Egypt and Turkey respectively.) These new activists have placed themselves squarely within the umma, insisting that community action is both a religious obligation and a successful political program…. This force is at the heart of a democratic transformation underway today in Islamic politics.
Having been written prior to 9/11, this book is wrong in only a few points. Bid Laden cannot be considered a dark Don Quixote but a major terrorist leader. However, the turn to social activism and moderation by several groups and their participation or attempted participation in the democratic process can be viewed as a positive beginning. In America’s past ward bosses helped with a lot of social services, much like Hezbollah and Hamas and other Muslim groups are doing today. Even today, political parties’ strength is obtained through service to their constituents
mix of religion and social activism to gain popular support and win elections.
He argues that part of the revival of the faith has occurred as a result of the popularization (democratization) of interpreting the Qur’an but with a turn to radicalism as its flipside. Though he does not draw the analogy, it can be likened to the groups that broke away from Catholicism as they began to interpret the bible for themselves which has also led to some radicalism.
For the Taliban he describes the prayer scenes in their camps and their view that there is clarity in God. Theirs is the theme that “Islam spoke with clarity, offered simplicity and served as a familiar refuge in troubled times.” But Shadid notes the simplicity of the Qur’an and Sunna is complemented by ambiguity. Because the Prophet and Companions did not hand down a specific organizational structure for the community of Muslims it’s up to the community to decide. Shadid states the concept of Shura as, “If it serves the community’s interest and does nothing to contradict Islam’s values, ethics and ideals, then nothing should stop the community form adopting it as its own and employing it in its pursuit of freedom and justice. However that raises the issue of who decides if it is contradictory to Islam?
Chapter 3’s subtitle ‘The Rise and Fall of Militant Islam in a War Without Borders’ is a bit premature, however the chapter itself explains much regarding the current terrorism problem because we now have a “wandering army of Afghan Arabs in a borderless jihad.” This is because the West and Arab world support of the mujahideen has come back to bite them. The war against the Russians in Afghanistan was a training ground (as is the current war in Iraq.) Egyptian trained Afghans got Egyptians to enlist in Mujahideen. Saudi Arabian airlines gave discounts to men flying to help the Mujahideen. Much more pertinent is anti-communists in the Reagan administration portrayed them as freedom fighters and provided much assistance to them although in reality they were some of the most Islamically minded, autocratic and anti-American activists the US had ever dealt with.
When discussing Iran the author quotes an Iranian dissident as saying of the clerics, “They have tried to monopolize Him but as Muslims they should know they cannot monopolize God.” He finds a further complaint as another dissident notes The government and its people hide behind Islam but this is not Islam. The government justified its rules through one interpretation of Islam that it transferred into an official ideology. There was no room for dissent. Devotion to Islam meant devotion to the state.
However, though there is a large portion of the book devoted to the attempted theocracies in Iran and Sudan, the author discusses more moderate groups. The concept of Islamic nationalism is a compelling idea because it speaks to the disinherited and that is political Islam. Shadid discusses groups that at one time were violent but have turned to social activism. Hezbollah, Hamas, the Center Party and the Refah Partisi are groups that have adopted this social activism (the latter two being denied legitimate status in their own countries, Egypt and Turkey respectively.) These new activists have placed themselves squarely within the umma, insisting that community action is both a religious obligation and a successful political program…. This force is at the heart of a democratic transformation underway today in Islamic politics.
Having been written prior to 9/11, this book is wrong in only a few points. Bid Laden cannot be considered a dark Don Quixote but a major terrorist leader. However, the turn to social activism and moderation by several groups and their participation or attempted participation in the democratic process can be viewed as a positive beginning. In America’s past ward bosses helped with a lot of social services, much like Hezbollah and Hamas and other Muslim groups are doing today. Even today, political parties’ strength is obtained through service to their constituents
March 7, 2012
Even though this book is slightly dated, thanks to the decade or so since it has been published, it still felt insightful and interesting to me. And Anthony Shadid was a very good reporter, so it's well written.
April 6, 2011
Prescient
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews