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266 pages, Kindle Edition
First published December 9, 2022
Its first attempt to establish the dollar as the world's trading currency also failed. On the one hand, the United States was forced to back it with gold to persuade reluctant allies to accept the arrangement. On the other hand, having no capital to export, supplying the world with liquidity by running deficits which only devalued the dollar, forced its own allies and trade partners to opt for gold over dollars of doubtful value. After exhausting all avenues for salvaging this fundamentally unsatisfactory arrangement, the United States was forced to delink the dollar from gold in 1971. To the productive and monetary slide, we must add the military. Notwithstanding the astronomical sums spent on the US military, the United States was unable to win any significant war in pursuit of its ambitions except against tiny countries. In its two major wars of the Cold War era, it had to accept the victory of Communism in North Korea and was defeated in Vietnam.
In the profound class and international struggles that ensued when the Long Boom ended, the United States laid new foundations, this time financial, for a second attempt to establish the dollar as the world's money and, from the 1980s onwards, along with the United Kingdom, sought the neoliberal path out of the economic downturn. However, rather than resolve or reverse the slump, neoliberalism only prolonged it, also ensuring the resumption of imperial decline in the long run.
This was just another episode underlining that, whether the major neoliberal capitalisms face class forces organised for socialism domestically or not, their miserly and punitive imperialism can only hasten other countries' drift away from the capitalist world the United States still seeks to lead. The attractiveness of China's developmental offer, and its respect for its partners' sovereignty, contrasts strikingly, making it the pole towards which they will drift and, given its success at development, the example they will seek to learn from.
Essentially, while the balance of class power remains heavily tilted in favour of capital in its homelands, the balance of international power is tilting markedly away from capitalism, driving all outside the charmed circle of the United States, Europe, Japan and the settler colonies bit by bit, with advances and reverses, steadily away from the major capitalist countries and probably, from capitalism. This process began with the Russian Revolution and, after the reverses of the 1990s, resumed in the new century as an alliance of countries seeking to assert their economic and security sovereignty—including Russia, Venezuela, Cuba and Iran—began forming with China as its economic centre. The pandemic and the war have accelerated these processes.
In sum, while the United States aims at the violent defence of all aspects of the imperialist system on which its economy depends, its abilities to achieve them are more questionable than ever. Though this has been clear since the Iraq quagmire at the latest, US ruling circles have proved unable to undertake a serious re-evaluation of their foreign policy, to come up with a plan B, one that would accept the role of an 'ordinary' if still important economy. The evolution of the strategy of and legitimacy for such a plan B has to be the aim of any serious left alternative in the United States. As yet, however, it is not yet on the horizon.