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Voyages: From Tongan Villages to American Suburbs
"Small's commentaries are graceful, informative, and seasoned by a very deep knowledge of Tongan culture. This book includes one of the sanest and most convincing arguments that I have read for experimentation in the writing of ethnography, which is supported by the text itself as an exemplar of a modest, theoretically unpretentious experiment that works very well indeed."―George E. Marcus, Rice University"While a few Californians may be aware of the Tongan immigrant population in their midst, most Americans are unaware that the United States is a major terminus for the people of Tonga, an island nation in the South Pacific. Small examines Tongan migration to the United States in a 'transnational' perspective, stressing that many of the new migrant populations seem successfully to manage dual lives, in both the old country and the new. To that end, she describes life in contemporary Tongan communities and in U.S. settings."―Library JournalThis book documents the momentous social phenomena of mass migration from agricultural ex-colonies and ex-protectorates to the industrial world. Cathy A. Small provides the poignant perspective of one extended family and one village in the Kingdom of Tonga, an independent island nation in the South Pacific which has lost one third of its population to migration since the mid-1960s. Moving between Tonga and California, Small chronicles the experiences of a family from the village of 'Olunga. Some members stayed and some migrated to California, in successive waves in the 1960s-1990s. Through their lives, she presents a striking picture of Tongan culture in the United States. Returning to 'Olunga with family members and their American-born children, Small shows what happened to village life and to kin relationships thirty years after migration began.
266 pages, Paperback
First published October 30, 1997
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October 13, 2010
I wrote this review for a History course.
Migration from Tonga to the United States of America has been taking place for many years. There are many different motivating factors behind the exodus of so many Tongans to larger countries. In her book Voyages: from Tongan Villages to American Suburbs, Cathy Small analyzes the different ways migration has affected and continues to affect the culture, tradition, and the identity of the Tongan people. She chooses the family of a woman named Sela to illustrate the changes that occur. The culture, traditions, and identities of individual Tongans are constantly being shaped and reshaped, making it impossible to reconcile with those of the past; they can never go back.
There are numerous motives behind the migrations that have, and are still, occurring out of Tonga. Firstly, it is important to understand some of the changes that have occurred in Tonga since the introduction of Western goods and capitalism. According to Cathy Small, when money was introduced to Tongan commoners it, “like many seemingly Western institutions, was transformed by the system it entered… Western goods and money thus functioned—in part—as prestige items.” She continues to say that this was not an example of capitalism but was an adoption of the Western goods into an already existing system of “gift giving.” Thus, as time went on, the demand for cash and other Western items grew, creating a necessity for earning money. It is in this context that many Tongans began to see the need for migration. In the 1960s Tongans saw that “overseas wages could provide a bridge between commoner aspirations and opportunity.” Small, in an interview with a first generation Tongan migrant named Malia in 1995, asked why Tongans come to America. Malia said, “People come overseas to get money. That’s the number one reason. To get a life that is higher, more developed than what they had. You can get so many things here.” Thus the ability to overcome the social structure that exists in Tonga and have all the things that make a person more prestigious motivates many to migrate. Conversion to a new religion often motivated Tongans to gather together with others of their faith. Small states that, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints “funded the migration of Tongans to Mormon centers in Hawaii and Salt Lake City.” She interprets, inaccurately, that the motive for conversion to the Mormon Church was the opportunity of migration. She fails to take into account the thousands of LDS people that remain in Tonga to this day. Dr. James Kester, in an address at a conference on Mormonism in France, argued that, although some may have joined the Church for the chance to migrate, the majority of the Tongan converts to the Mormon Church did so because of their belief in the teachings. He notes the dedication of Tongan members in the United States and Tonga. What is clear is that many Tongans migrated with the assistance of the Mormon Church but instead of migration motivating conversion it was conversion that often motivated migration. Education was another aspect of the United States that pulled migrants. Palu, when asked why she came, stated “Well one thing was English. I studied English when I was still in school, but I couldn’t really say anything in English. So when I came to America, I wanted to learn English and I wanted to learn more about life.” The motives for migration from Tonga are different from one person to another, whether it is for prestige, income, education, or adventure; Tongans continue to migrate, in short, “to get a better life.”
Some migrants come to America and do all they can in their power to maintain their Tongan culture and identity. Eseta and Manu, the first migrants of their families, tried hard to maintain their Tongan culture and identity in their new home. In Tonga bark cloth and pandanus mats hang on rafters as a display of wealth. Eseta and Manu used a spare room in their home in California as a place for the storage of Tongan wealth. Small states that, “the room was testimony to the continuing celebration in the United States of events that require an outlay of pandanus mats and bark cloth, and of the importance of Tongan community and tradition in everyday life.” Manu later stated, “We do everything here the same as the island. Only here, it’s more and it’s better.” His attitude towards Tongan traditions is one of pride, he believes that because they have more money to put on extravagant ceremonies Tongans in America are better in some way. It is interesting to note that by exaggerating the cultural practices that are done in Tonga they transform into something different. One man explained: “A commoner funeral in the U.S. will be like a King in Tonga.” The identity of a commoner and the distinctions between commoners and nobility are blurred in America. Many Tongans try so hard to maintain their Tongan culture and identity that they create something altogether new.
There are also migrants, or children of migrants, who consciously soften certain aspects of their Tongan culture and identity. Manu and Eseta do all they can to maintain the “Tongan way,” whereas, Palu focuses on rejecting much of that same way of life. Palu changed her name to Emma and now prefers to be called by her American name. Looking back at her life in Tonga, Emma stated, “I think in Tonga I had too much Tongan culture…I learned a lot here.” When asked what she had learned she stated that she learned to speak up for herself and how to be a strong positive person. A few years after migrating to California Emma, looking back at what she had said were her motives for migration, added some new motives. She felt that she was unhappy in Tonga and felt like the U.S was a liberating place for her. She migrated to get away from a culture that, she felt, put her down. Emma also refused to give others money when they asked for it because of her own needs. Emma’s values have changed and her attitude towards her culture and traditions has changed with them. When asked if she would bring her children up in the Tongan way she replied, “Yes, I would do that….I would tell them about the Tongan way, like helping one another. But maybe not everything would be Tongan.” Emma is shaping her identity by choosing what she likes of Tongan values and American values and creating something new. While reading Small’s book I asked a Co-worker, the son of Tongan migrants, what he thought of his parents changing identity. He stated that his Mom still kept the Tapa cloths and the mats for special occasions but his Dad saw them as a waste of space and money. He recounted a story of his father cleaning the storage closet out and throwing the mats and cloths in the garbage. When his mother returned home she got really upset and took everything out of the garbage and put it back in the storage closet. It is evident that husband and wife don’t always agree on the maintenance of their Tongan identities and this causes conflict in the home. My coworker continued to say that he probably will not marry a Tongan girl; he said jokingly, most of them are my cousins. Alyssa and Sara, Manu and Eseta’s daughters, do not share their parents same passion for maintaining the Tongan way. They were born and raised in California and it shows in their statements about their own identity. Sara said, in response to Small’s inquiries about maintaining Tongan culture, “I have an American side and I have a Tongan side. But the American side, I think, is stronger. Put that in your book.” Sara clearly identifies herself as more American than Tongan but still admits that she has a small Tongan side. One Tongan-American youth responding to her parent’s desire for her to hang out with only Tongan kids said, “If they wanted us to be so Tongan, they should have given birth to us in Tonga.” In order to adapt to life in America some Tongan migrants reject certain aspects of their Tongan culture and identity.
The shaping and reshaping of Tongan identity does not just take place among those in America but also among those that are left behind. The contact of family and other Tongans to the Western world creates new values and wants. Small discusses this very issue by looking at the life of “Finau, the one who stayed behind.” Western education within Tonga has greatly influenced the younger generations. After learning about Martin Luther King and Gandhi, Finau gained a desire to fight for her rights. She talks of arguments and conflicts that occurred between the children in the family and her parents. What is most interesting to note is her view of her father’s family when they said, “In our time, we never do this.” Finau responds with a very interesting argument, “That was their time. This is our time…We can never go back into your time. This is our time.” The culture and identity of Tongans in Tonga changes as the influence of Western education permeates throughout the islands. One of the most obvious changes that Small noticed, after returning to Tonga, was in the material possessions of Finau and her husband Samiu. Small notes that “they were clearly people who ‘have things,’” “they had a new wooden house with cement foundation, indoor plumbing, and three bedrooms…; a full complement of overseas-made furniture and appliances.” They were clearly members of a growing Tongan middle class. Their desire for Western goods and a Western style home shows a change in value and ultimately the identity of what makes a Tongan successful. Finau was left behind physically but culturally her identity was also being reshaped by the influence of Western culture and migration.
The motivating forces behind Tongan migration are often simplified into the desire for a better life. While this is true, it ignores the complex decision making process of families and individuals in their choice to leave, or stay, in the islands. Migration obviously has an influence on the way Tongans, in and out of Tonga, see themselves and others. The Tongan identity of the past is different from that of the present and will continue to change into the future. It is impossible to reconcile Tongan identity with that of past generations, it can never return to what it was before, “That was their time. This is our time…We can never go back…”
Migration from Tonga to the United States of America has been taking place for many years. There are many different motivating factors behind the exodus of so many Tongans to larger countries. In her book Voyages: from Tongan Villages to American Suburbs, Cathy Small analyzes the different ways migration has affected and continues to affect the culture, tradition, and the identity of the Tongan people. She chooses the family of a woman named Sela to illustrate the changes that occur. The culture, traditions, and identities of individual Tongans are constantly being shaped and reshaped, making it impossible to reconcile with those of the past; they can never go back.
There are numerous motives behind the migrations that have, and are still, occurring out of Tonga. Firstly, it is important to understand some of the changes that have occurred in Tonga since the introduction of Western goods and capitalism. According to Cathy Small, when money was introduced to Tongan commoners it, “like many seemingly Western institutions, was transformed by the system it entered… Western goods and money thus functioned—in part—as prestige items.” She continues to say that this was not an example of capitalism but was an adoption of the Western goods into an already existing system of “gift giving.” Thus, as time went on, the demand for cash and other Western items grew, creating a necessity for earning money. It is in this context that many Tongans began to see the need for migration. In the 1960s Tongans saw that “overseas wages could provide a bridge between commoner aspirations and opportunity.” Small, in an interview with a first generation Tongan migrant named Malia in 1995, asked why Tongans come to America. Malia said, “People come overseas to get money. That’s the number one reason. To get a life that is higher, more developed than what they had. You can get so many things here.” Thus the ability to overcome the social structure that exists in Tonga and have all the things that make a person more prestigious motivates many to migrate. Conversion to a new religion often motivated Tongans to gather together with others of their faith. Small states that, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints “funded the migration of Tongans to Mormon centers in Hawaii and Salt Lake City.” She interprets, inaccurately, that the motive for conversion to the Mormon Church was the opportunity of migration. She fails to take into account the thousands of LDS people that remain in Tonga to this day. Dr. James Kester, in an address at a conference on Mormonism in France, argued that, although some may have joined the Church for the chance to migrate, the majority of the Tongan converts to the Mormon Church did so because of their belief in the teachings. He notes the dedication of Tongan members in the United States and Tonga. What is clear is that many Tongans migrated with the assistance of the Mormon Church but instead of migration motivating conversion it was conversion that often motivated migration. Education was another aspect of the United States that pulled migrants. Palu, when asked why she came, stated “Well one thing was English. I studied English when I was still in school, but I couldn’t really say anything in English. So when I came to America, I wanted to learn English and I wanted to learn more about life.” The motives for migration from Tonga are different from one person to another, whether it is for prestige, income, education, or adventure; Tongans continue to migrate, in short, “to get a better life.”
Some migrants come to America and do all they can in their power to maintain their Tongan culture and identity. Eseta and Manu, the first migrants of their families, tried hard to maintain their Tongan culture and identity in their new home. In Tonga bark cloth and pandanus mats hang on rafters as a display of wealth. Eseta and Manu used a spare room in their home in California as a place for the storage of Tongan wealth. Small states that, “the room was testimony to the continuing celebration in the United States of events that require an outlay of pandanus mats and bark cloth, and of the importance of Tongan community and tradition in everyday life.” Manu later stated, “We do everything here the same as the island. Only here, it’s more and it’s better.” His attitude towards Tongan traditions is one of pride, he believes that because they have more money to put on extravagant ceremonies Tongans in America are better in some way. It is interesting to note that by exaggerating the cultural practices that are done in Tonga they transform into something different. One man explained: “A commoner funeral in the U.S. will be like a King in Tonga.” The identity of a commoner and the distinctions between commoners and nobility are blurred in America. Many Tongans try so hard to maintain their Tongan culture and identity that they create something altogether new.
There are also migrants, or children of migrants, who consciously soften certain aspects of their Tongan culture and identity. Manu and Eseta do all they can to maintain the “Tongan way,” whereas, Palu focuses on rejecting much of that same way of life. Palu changed her name to Emma and now prefers to be called by her American name. Looking back at her life in Tonga, Emma stated, “I think in Tonga I had too much Tongan culture…I learned a lot here.” When asked what she had learned she stated that she learned to speak up for herself and how to be a strong positive person. A few years after migrating to California Emma, looking back at what she had said were her motives for migration, added some new motives. She felt that she was unhappy in Tonga and felt like the U.S was a liberating place for her. She migrated to get away from a culture that, she felt, put her down. Emma also refused to give others money when they asked for it because of her own needs. Emma’s values have changed and her attitude towards her culture and traditions has changed with them. When asked if she would bring her children up in the Tongan way she replied, “Yes, I would do that….I would tell them about the Tongan way, like helping one another. But maybe not everything would be Tongan.” Emma is shaping her identity by choosing what she likes of Tongan values and American values and creating something new. While reading Small’s book I asked a Co-worker, the son of Tongan migrants, what he thought of his parents changing identity. He stated that his Mom still kept the Tapa cloths and the mats for special occasions but his Dad saw them as a waste of space and money. He recounted a story of his father cleaning the storage closet out and throwing the mats and cloths in the garbage. When his mother returned home she got really upset and took everything out of the garbage and put it back in the storage closet. It is evident that husband and wife don’t always agree on the maintenance of their Tongan identities and this causes conflict in the home. My coworker continued to say that he probably will not marry a Tongan girl; he said jokingly, most of them are my cousins. Alyssa and Sara, Manu and Eseta’s daughters, do not share their parents same passion for maintaining the Tongan way. They were born and raised in California and it shows in their statements about their own identity. Sara said, in response to Small’s inquiries about maintaining Tongan culture, “I have an American side and I have a Tongan side. But the American side, I think, is stronger. Put that in your book.” Sara clearly identifies herself as more American than Tongan but still admits that she has a small Tongan side. One Tongan-American youth responding to her parent’s desire for her to hang out with only Tongan kids said, “If they wanted us to be so Tongan, they should have given birth to us in Tonga.” In order to adapt to life in America some Tongan migrants reject certain aspects of their Tongan culture and identity.
The shaping and reshaping of Tongan identity does not just take place among those in America but also among those that are left behind. The contact of family and other Tongans to the Western world creates new values and wants. Small discusses this very issue by looking at the life of “Finau, the one who stayed behind.” Western education within Tonga has greatly influenced the younger generations. After learning about Martin Luther King and Gandhi, Finau gained a desire to fight for her rights. She talks of arguments and conflicts that occurred between the children in the family and her parents. What is most interesting to note is her view of her father’s family when they said, “In our time, we never do this.” Finau responds with a very interesting argument, “That was their time. This is our time…We can never go back into your time. This is our time.” The culture and identity of Tongans in Tonga changes as the influence of Western education permeates throughout the islands. One of the most obvious changes that Small noticed, after returning to Tonga, was in the material possessions of Finau and her husband Samiu. Small notes that “they were clearly people who ‘have things,’” “they had a new wooden house with cement foundation, indoor plumbing, and three bedrooms…; a full complement of overseas-made furniture and appliances.” They were clearly members of a growing Tongan middle class. Their desire for Western goods and a Western style home shows a change in value and ultimately the identity of what makes a Tongan successful. Finau was left behind physically but culturally her identity was also being reshaped by the influence of Western culture and migration.
The motivating forces behind Tongan migration are often simplified into the desire for a better life. While this is true, it ignores the complex decision making process of families and individuals in their choice to leave, or stay, in the islands. Migration obviously has an influence on the way Tongans, in and out of Tonga, see themselves and others. The Tongan identity of the past is different from that of the present and will continue to change into the future. It is impossible to reconcile Tongan identity with that of past generations, it can never return to what it was before, “That was their time. This is our time…We can never go back…”
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
February 2, 2023
I was skeptical because she's a white researcher doing an anthropological ethnography in Tonga -- but it ended up really respectful, reflexive, and rewarding.
The beginning has some parts that made me wonder if she had fully emersed herself but as you stay with the narrative, it becomes pretty clear that she has been changed by her Tongan family. She still doesn't get some important elements about Tongan culture (specifically diasporic culture -- she made a major faux pas to a Tongan-Hawaiian at one point and never took accountability for her mis-step) but there were other parts that were really sweet. I cried at the end...maybe a lot.
The parts about remittances were really fascinating and what Smalls estimates will happen in the future -- some of which has already happened in my own family.
The beginning has some parts that made me wonder if she had fully emersed herself but as you stay with the narrative, it becomes pretty clear that she has been changed by her Tongan family. She still doesn't get some important elements about Tongan culture (specifically diasporic culture -- she made a major faux pas to a Tongan-Hawaiian at one point and never took accountability for her mis-step) but there were other parts that were really sweet. I cried at the end...maybe a lot.
The parts about remittances were really fascinating and what Smalls estimates will happen in the future -- some of which has already happened in my own family.
December 13, 2018
I read this for my human migration class I am taking for my anthropology degree, and I must say that I have had to read many ethnographies for my studies and this has been the best one yet. I love how in depth Small goes into explaining all of the processes, and how she tells things chronologically within the chapter itself as she goes through the book. I loved being able to meet and see the family of Atu and Malia, and witness the families transitions throughout the migration process. Seeing the love and joy Small has for this family and this town is beautiful and I hope that I will one day be able to achieve that with my own studies and research.
November 19, 2019
Although this was a required read for my anthropology class, I found it to be incredibly interesting and well written. I even got teary at a couple of parts. I feel that it is extremely pertinent in today’s era of globalization and all of the issues surrounding immigration. I am so glad I read this book and would recommend it to anyone interested in Tonga and these important issues.
July 1, 2018
I loved this book! I received my degree in anthropology but sadly don’t work in the field. This book has been my nightly escape into an anthropological world and reminds me why I love the subject so much. Amazing book.
May 8, 2025
The most insightful and well-written book about Tonga I’ve read
April 23, 2023
Cathy Small set out to write about women's groups and roles in Tonga, but in the end wrote about migration. Specifically how migration has transformed live and economy in Tonga and also in host nations to immigrants.
Aside from the exploration of a remittance economy and its side effects, I found Cathy's address of the need for the ethnography to adapt to the current times and situations interesting.
Aside from the exploration of a remittance economy and its side effects, I found Cathy's address of the need for the ethnography to adapt to the current times and situations interesting.
January 17, 2009
girl did not know what she was talking about.
August 15, 2015
An interesting and enlightening book, but at times dry and academic.
Read
April 4, 2018It was interesting. It really ties in the effects on Tonga due to migration. There are many factors that have shaped The Pacific Islands into what is known today.
Displaying 1 - 10 of 11 reviews