As an Appalachian, I approach books about Appalachian and environs written by non-Appalachians with great caution. All too many times, I've found myself repelled by authors leaning into stereotypes. Often, I also find authors who should know better, who are from here, getting things, well, just wrong. (I’m looking at you, Starling House. That’s not how mineral rights work.)
This is not one of those books. Step by step, Fraser builds an argument that first, a combination of the federal government modernization programs and unfettered industrial capitalism displaced poor Southern whites in the first half of the 1900s both by government policy, and by extracting the resources for profit by out of state corporations. In concert with the failure by local authorities to invest in higher-wage manufacturing, this put “untenable” pressure on the remaining marginal agricultural land. According to Fraser, these factors put together created the markers of “internal colonialism” and created keen social and economic incentives to “work away,” as my family calls it.
Next, Fraser draws out the lesser-known details of the internal migration of these poor Southern whites, who, unlike Black folks fleeing racial terrorism, had the ability to tell their boss to “take this job and shove it” by going back home--and many, many of them did, according to Fraser’s data.. In addition, Fraser details the remittance aspect, the unpaid labor of women who made this travel possible, and the intimate connections between the migrants and their home places. (Up until the 1990s, my local paper had a “society” page that detailed when folks working away came home again, and who they visited with while they were home.)
Building on these foundations, Fraser argues that rather than being naive country bumpkins, the white internal migrants were already familiar with labor struggles from the bloody Mine Wars, as well as the dangers of high-pressure logging (still one of the deadliest occupations in the USA--I went to my first logging funeral when I was six years old), the debt peonage of commercial farming, and the notorious deadly labor of textile factories (see also: Lewis Hines and textile mills). When predatory corporations sought to capitalize on what they saw as “culturally deficient, desperate Southern whites” (marked as “other” the moment they opened their mouths) by hiring them at lower wages, which created mass resentment among Northern locals (see pg 91 for more details.) That resentment spurred later stereotypes about strike agitators, hardening what could have been a workforce integrated into Northern cities as an essentially “unassimilable core of economically precarious and socially marginalized malcontents, who were primed for a fight when the time came.” (pg 99)
After drawing this picture of transAppalachian migrants versus the predatory corporations, surrounded by Northern resentment, Fraser develops this into “An Other America: Hillbilly ghettos after World War II,” in which at the time race riots were explicitly blamed on “ignorant Negroes and southern whites.” Fraser brings data to show that poor Southern whites were viewed as the most undesirable group, at twice the rate of Black Americans. (pg 109) Frasier takes pains to show the structural inequalities at play: substandard housing permitted by lax housing code enforcement, crowded apartments and frequent moves due to predatory landlords, environmental hazards such as little to no trash service, lead poisoning from substandard housing, tuberculosis from overcrowding, higher infant and maternal mortality rates due to an inability to afford a doctor, persistent malnutrition due to an inability to buy food, and school leaving due to the need to get a job. Fraser also shows police discrimination at play, “arresting southern-born whites…at roughly twice the rate at which such migrants appeared in the neighborhood’s general population.” (pg 127) Less commonly mentioned in social studies, but, to my mind, highly relevant, Fraser also discusses the class implications of bars and churches primarily supported by poor Southern whites---that hardened, unassimilated core created their own support networks, which were much despised by their neighbors. During this recitation, Fraser does take pains to point out, “most Southern white migrants did not end up settling in hillbilly ghettos.”
One of the most interesting pieces of Fraser’s argument comes next, in which he shows how the cycle of poverty nonsense came out of a failure to address those systemic issues, instead victim-blaming through the creation of a “culture of poverty” which haunts us to this day. Local Appalachian intellectuals took this and ran with it, reinforcing long-standing class dynamics back home through the propagation of this nonsense, much as JD Vance does today---as always, conveniently eliding the necessity of asking the affected people what they want and need. (JD Vance isn’t an Appalachian and I am not surrendering that hill.) Fraser points out that as the Black civil rights movement became influential (and a target--see also, Daniel Patrick Moynihan taking a theory developed for dealing with intractable pockets of poverty inhabited by whites and Blacks alike and laying it out as Black pathology), urban poverty became “a distinctly Black phenomenon.” (pg 173)
When the Democratic party dropped the ball for this huge mass of poor whites with their roots in the South, Fraser argues, it opened the doorway to an increasingly rightward political drift in these strongholds of union collectivism (see also, the 2018 WV teacher’s strike, and the 2016 WV electoral college votes). Fraser paints this picture through the changes in country music--which are so appropriate today! Beyoncé has a new country music album out! This is particularly interesting because Fraser is at his most explicit in linking the “expunging” of the hillbilly critique of capitalism by a capitalism-based profit motive into a “conservative, traditionalist, and racist” genre---and as those poor white Southerners slowly became more settled in their Northern homes, the musical links spilled that commercialized music into wider society.
Altogether a most interesting book, and I’m quite glad to have read it.